CA Election: Compromised Beginning, Flawed Process and Ominous Outcomes

(Courtesy: Chiran J. Thapa)

After being postponed twice, it finally appears that the much glorified panacea for Nepal's woes - the Constituent Assembly election (CA) is set to be delivered. Supposedly this time, the bottlenecks have been bottled. So, the manifestoes are being manifested. And at least a few candidates are campaigning. But, the follies have hardly been highlighted.

In any democratic setting, only a free and fair election can institute the representatives chosen by the people. This particular election may possibly install the true people's representatives. But, it will irrefutably have a debauched connotation.

Making peace with any violent political group is always a paradoxical undertaking. On one side, peace may be engendered through negotiations, concessions or a compromise. On the other side, a conciliatory peace making approach inadvertently acknowledges the use of violence. Therefore, this acknowledgement reinforces the use of violence by setting a precedent for other disgruntled and grievous groups. And such precedent leaves ample room for the perpetuation of violence.

In Nepal's case this is exactly what is happening. The CA has been the primary demand of the Maoists all along. When the CA is held, it will translate as a strategic victory for the Maoists. But, this victory will also be a victory of violence. As much as it would bring the country closer towards peace, the CA will also have effectively legitimized the use of violence as an instrument to accomplish political objectives.

The implications are already palpable. For one thing, it has encouraged other grievous groups to opt for violent methods. Before the Maoists ascended to power, there was no other credible violent political group. Today, there are more than a dozen. And the rising trend says it all.

Fair and free from fear?

Granted all is fair when it is done for peace’s sake. But will the process be free and fair? Will it be conducted in absence of fear and intimidation? Most doubt it. The prospect of a free and fair election has become highly suspect mainly due to grave insecurity. Despite the security plans flaunted by the Home Ministry, the security situation is still erratic and parlous.

For one, most national and international observers seem deeply worried by the lack of a favourable security situation. The recent intensification of harassment and acts of violence against candidates and supporters has alarmed the United Nations Electoral Expert Monitoring Team (EEMT). Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) has expressed concerns about election related violence and intimidations too. UNMIN and OHCHR recently issued a joint statement warning about future obstacles and challenges for a free and fair election.

Likewise, the Carter Center has expressed deep concern over reports of violent activities of members of the Maoist youth wing, Young Communist League (YCL). The European Union's Election Observation Mission (EOM) has stressed on an atmosphere free of violence and intimidation before the CA. Not surprisingly, even the Election Commission has demanded that the government beef up security.

All these concerns are rightly reflected. National People's Front Nepal (NPFN) candidate of Banke district - Kamal Prasad Adhikari was murdered. So were a few Maoist cadres. Dilendra Prasad Badu of the Nepali Congress almost suffered a similar fate. The Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) chairman Pashupati Shumsher Rana was manhandled by the YCL cadres while attempting to campaign in his electoral constituency.

Many other candidates have met similar ill-fates. Mangal Gurung, UML's candidate from Manang district was abducted. So were Brij Bihari Sukla of Kapilbastu and Shiva Raj Joshi of Surkhet. UML candidates including Dev Shanker Poudel - have been viciously attacked and injured. House of Krishna Man Shrestha, the Nepali Congress candidate from Banke was bombed. And the list is endless.

Meanwhile, it is reported that more than half of the Maoist combatants in Dashrathpur cantonment have left the cantonment site for campaigning purposes. So, there is pervasive fear amongst other political parties that the combatants were being mobilized to capture polling booths.

But even more ominously, four armed groups of Terai region have recently released a statement vowing to disrupt the CA. In the statement, the Madheshi Mukti Tigers, Terai Cobra, Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha and Samyukta Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha announced that they were taking actions to foil the election.

Ready for the results?

Even if the security situation were to improve abruptly over night, still lingering is the result of the process. The only certainty in this uncertain process is that the election will yield results. Either way, with a bloated 601 seats at stake, the political configurations and constellations are bound to change. But looking at the current trends, it seems that no permutation will result a smooth transition.

Baburam Bhattarai, Maoist second man in command has already indicated of further violence. Speaking at mass meeting organized in the capital, he recently warned that were the Maoists to lose, they would revolt. He further said that they would employ all available means to capture state power.

Then, there is the Army’s uneasiness. Previously, the Army had subtly indicated its unwillingness to absorb the Maoists into its file and ranks. But with only few weeks to go before election, the Army has flexed its muscles by issuing an even more recalcitrant press statement. Directing towards the Maoists, the Army has stated that it would not bow down or compromise with elements that believe in terrorism, extremism and radicalism. The press release further states that the Army would never work in cahoots with those that raise arms against a democratic system and want to seize state power based on such beliefs.

What if the Maoists lose? What if the Maoists win? What if the Army refuses to accept the results? What if the Madhesi alliance secures a majority? Not only that, what will happen to all the agreements signed by the current Transitional Governing Authority (TGA) with the innumerable agitating groups? Will the newly formed governing authority give credence to the deals signed by an unelected authority? The newly formed authority could easily nullify those agreements citing no binding arrangements for the agreed upon terms. What then?

Of course the CA is being mulishly conducted because the legitimacy of the governing authority is rapidly eroding. Were the election to be postponed again, the ruling alliance will have completely lost its credibility and legitimacy. Thus, the rush is more of a frantic run for legitimacy than a genuine intent to acquire an inviolable mandate of the people.

But, any process conducted in fear can hardly be fair. And ultimately any unfair process will only prove to be far more costly. The recent Kenyan election fiasco should serve as a stark reminder of the inherent perils in a flawed process.

Moreover, after more than a decade of no election, there is no doubt that the people of Nepal are itching to vote and institute their representatives. And of course there is an urgent need to turn the rhetoric of democracy into a reality. But in doing so, it is also imperative that there is a free and fair meaningful process rather than a rushed botched one.

Related Posts:

Nepal's CA Elections - Assume Nothing
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/02/nepals-ca-elections-assume-nothing.html

Maoist Electoral Strategy - What is the CPN-M up to?
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/03/maoist-electoral-strategy-what-is-cpn-m.html

Let the People Decide

(Courtesy: Dr. Hari Bansha Dulal)

It’s been almost a decade since Nepal had legitimate elections. A lot of things have changed since then. The Maoists that once ran for their lives are now making others run. The mainstream political parties that once hardheadedly undermined the inclusion of Madhesis and Dalits have fielded candidates from these marginalized groups in large numbers in the upcoming CA elections.

The upcoming CA elections may not be perfect like any other elections in the developing world but they will definitely take the nation a step forward. For now, it is the best game in town. It will help break the cycle of political stagnation.

With the successful conduction of CA elections, we can: (1) get rid of monarchy that has never stopped fiddling around with democracy and democratic rights of people, (2) put a brake on autocratic aspirations of graffiti-president Puspa Kamal Dahal even if it is a temporary one. These two individuals pose a perennial threat to stable democracy. Unless we negate the threat posed by them, transition to a stable multi-party democracy will always remain an illusive dream.

We have long passed the discussion on utility of the monarchy. The nation is ready to embrace a new system. Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and his followers should stop confusing the voters with their open exhibition of royal obsession. King Gyanendra’s foolishness of 2005 aside, the monarchy as an institution has been serving as a punching bag for politicians that want to hide their own incompetence and failures. It is, thus, necessary that we get rid of monarchy and prepare grounds for politicians whereby they will be forced to take responsibilities for their incompetence and failures.

Like the democratic movement in Nepal did not die after the demise of the visionary statesman like BP Koirala, we, as a nation, will definitely survive as a republic.

The upcoming CA elections will again bring the democratic forces to the forefront. The people, if given opportunity, would always reject both the hardcore left and the right. If we look at the period between post-1990 popular movement and the beginning of the Maoist movement, the nation had already moved towards the center. Even the United Marxists Leninist Party (UML) which has a sizeable number of extreme left-leaning ideologues like Bam Dev Gautam that appears more radical than many Maoist radicals at the higher echelon of the party, had embraced multiparty parliamentary democracy.

The growth of media was impressive. Slowly but surely the mainstream media was eroding the reach of vernacular weeklies that serve political parties rather than shaping public opinion for the greater good of the nation. Schools and colleges were being opened in villages like never before and the private sector had begun to flourish. Had the Maoists not bogged down the genuine democratic process, we would have made a significant political and economic progress by now.

For the mainstream political parties, gaining the lost political grounds might not be as hard as it might seem to be. All they got to do is, act smart and act now. Before it gets too late, the NC and the UML, that are the major partners of the current coalition should do two things: (a) ask security forces to make the cadres of the mainstream political parties feel safe (2) explain to people as and why it is dangerous to get swayed by the brainwashed ideologues and ethnic hustlers. Give them real world examples. Let he people know how Communist regimes around the world got crumbled under the weight of their Orwellian goals, of which, they never got even close. Tell them why it is dangerous to experiment radical communism even if it is for a short period of time.

It is important for people to know how hard people of former communist regimes are struggling to overcome the legacy of totalitarianism, which aggressively sought to eradicate anything that might serve as an institutional foundation for democracy.

Like the recent uprising in the tarai gave moderate regional parties a space to operate, the upcoming CA elections will give space to moderate mainstream political parties that have been competing with each other democratically for almost two decades. Nepali society will again move towards the center.

Like the 3-year long draconian Panchayat regime could not force the society to move towards the extreme right, the decade old Maoists’ propaganda and violence will not be able to persuade Nepali society to move towards the extreme left. It will simply not happen under the ideal conditions. Nepali society is resilient enough to survive forceful indoctrinations.

Lately, the Maoists have been acting like cornered animals and intensified their attacks on political rivals. The mainstream media are awash with the breach of the election Code of Conduct by the Maoists. It is important to understand that the Maoists are intimidating the mainstream political parties’ rank-and-files with a hope that their intimidation tactics will force the NC and the UML to come to an informal understanding that they need to ensure the victory of the Maoist candidates in the upcoming CA elections. They know it very well that without the support of the NC and the UML, humiliating defeat in the CA polls is inevitable.

Unlike in the past, the NC and the UML should not fall into the laid Maoist trap this time around. Any informal understanding to ensure the Maoist victory will falsely project their strength and hence encourage them to indulge in more irrational political bargains in the future. Let the actual strength of the political parties emerge. That is what democracy is all about, isn’t it?

There is still a huge population that despises both extreme left and the right. Young Turks like Gagan Thapa should rethink the danger associated with positioning oneself towards the far-left fringe of the Congress party. By positioning yourself on the far-left, you will blur the difference between yourself and Khim Lal Devkota.

There is nothing to worry about the Maoist crowd gathered to listen to threat laden rhetoric of the Maoist ideologues in the open theater. Boris Yeltsin is a spectacular example of how former communists can easily become anticommunists. All you got to do is, position yourself in the center, and fight against both the extreme left’s propaganda machine and the muscle power. Once people understand the limits of an outdated utopian dream of equality that the extreme left is trying hard to sell and once they get convinced that the physical threat posed by the left can be challenged, they will come out in favor of democratic forces like never before. People are sick and tired of the violent politics practiced by the hardcore leftist radicals. Just hang in there and do what true democrats do best: fight against the extreme left’s propaganda machine and muscle power by energizing the democratic base. It is definitely a winnable game.

Related Posts:

Will CA Polls be 'Free and Fair'?
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/03/will-ca-polls-be-free-and-fair.html

Maoist Electoral Strategy - What is the CPN-M up to?
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/03/maoist-electoral-strategy-what-is-cpn-m.html

Nepal's Political Paradoxes
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/01/nepals-political-paradoxes.html

Tibetans face ‘excessive use of force’ in front of UN building in Kathamndu!

(Courtesy: Bishnu Sapkota "Dwyn")

KATHMANDU, March 17 - In what is seen as the UN’s curbed double speaking HR stance and weak ability to handle international human rights protests in Kathamndu, the new UN resident coordinator in Kathmandu, Robert Piper, had little help to offer the hundreds of Tibetean protesters in front of the UN office in Kathmandu except to release a bland statement “At no time have police been requested by the UN to intervene in peaceful protests in front of UN House.” Mr. Robert Piper the person who made this statement, though a UN civil servant, is considered by Nepali media hands as quite close to the Clinton camp, and once served as his Chief of Staff under the Tsnunami project. Many felt that the freshly arrived UN diplomat was merely circumventing the issue and did not want to involve the UN in the free Tibet movement. The U.S. has been strongly advocating to open up Tibet more to freedom and democracy throughout the Bush administration, more than any previous U.S. government.

The Robert Piper statement was taken with a bit of surprise by the Kathmandu diplomatic community, given the strong momentum the Tibetean protests have taken before the Beijing Olympics. The Chinese government has for long anticipated such protests but not in this form and so widespread. The repression now seems to have backfired. The Dalai Lama has already given a statement that his government does not tolerate repression of the Tibetean people. Thus, that the Nepali police is coming so heavily upon the peaceful Tibetean community in Kathmandu is taken with a pinch of salt. Madhav Kumar Nepal head of the Communist Party of Nepal has already given the first diplomatic support to the one-China policy, which has kept the Chinese Embassy happy. The Nepal Government has steadfastly stood by this foreign policy edict, though thousands of Nepalis live in Taiwan as well, the other “China” .

The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, headed by Richard Bennett a New Zealander coming from Edmund Hillary country has been more bold, ““I urge the Nepal Government to respect its obligations under international human rights law and to uphold the fundamental rights to peaceful assembly and freedom of expression.”

The Nepal Police had come down excessively on nearly 2,000 Tibetans marching down to the Chinese Embassy in Kathmandu in a torch light procession from Bouddha a few days back. The Free Tibet Movement which is long represented by Maurya Moynihan, the charismatic, vivacious, ebullient Buddhist, songstress, kathak dance expert, and beloved daughter of powerful late U.S. Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, a true well wisher of India and Nepal, must have completely felt baffled. The Carter Center which has got its omnipresent electoral presence all over Nepal msut have felt even more bewildered. The American quest to see freedom reign amongst all peoples of the world, their human rights upheld, and their right to choose independence steadfastly, has so far failed reaching the Tibetean people. They are now facing sticks and bullets. Such harm coming their way in Lhasa and Kathamndu has become more the norm of the day.

The Chinese population in Tibet though small is known to enjoy better living standards than the Tibetans. However it would be fair say to state that China has developed Tibet at par with itself and runs an expensive fully acclamatized high altitude train that traverse the Beijing-Lhasa route at some point reaching 17,000 feet above sea level. The service has brought in hundreds of thousands of western tourists from Beijing, and cost the Chinese government US$ 8 billion to build and seven years to complete.

Earlier, tourists usually used to cross into Tibet from the Nepali border. Right now, the Nepal-China border is completely sealed off and nearly two dozen Chinese plain clothes police are on active duty on the Nepalese side of the border closely monitoring any infiltration or unusual activities on the Kodari road. So far there have been no protests. The Chinese side of the border is also completely sealed off to prevent tourists or Nepali traders from crossing into Tibet.

Nepal and China enjoy excellent relations, and the Chinese government knows all too well, that no foreigners from the Nepali side of the border have posed any threat to Chinese governance including over Tibet. Nepal-China trade through Lhasa reaches billions of rupees each year. While China has known to express its uneasiness in the past few months over mounting UN activities which it sees as EU dominated, and also is guarded against building U.S. and Indian presence in Kathamndu, it had never reacted seriously to the Tibetean issue in Kathmandu. In fact, it has been offering Tibetans normal visa services and other assistance which is quite surprizing.

Senior Nepali media personalities close to the UN were quick to point out that the UN OHCHR ought to do more than just issue a statement, since it had taken out huge protest notes and held press conferences, when headed by Ian Martin during Jan Andoland-2 period. Right now it appears it is not being able to support the Tibetean people’s human rights. Moreover the police resorted to lathi-charging and tear-gassing innocent protesters fighting for their legitimate rights in Lhasa and elsewhere. “The right to peaceful assembly as well as the right to freedom of expression are guaranteed under international law. However, on at least two occasions the exercise of these rights appears to have been unduly restricted,” the bland OHCHR statement read. It failed to defend human rights of Tibetans openly.

Free Tibet Movement which has long been linked to promoting human rights and democracy in Tibet is supported by super stars like Maurya Moynihan, Richard Gere, and Bono from U2, all bastions for global freedom and human rights, particularly Tibetans. They are linked to the Dalai Lama’s Dharma Shala ashram in propounding the good words of Lord Buddha globally in the cause of universal peace, prosperity freedom and music. It might help the Chinese government to present a more positive image globally in light of the Beijing Olympics, if it relaxed such heavy weight pressure on the Tibetans and solved the issues more amicably through talks. Using physical assault on the innocent and peaceful protesters in Kathmandu will give Beijing a wrong impression in the international community and more cause for media attack.

Meanwhile the UN has assured the Nepali media of more positive action, “OHCHR is seeking clarification from the Government about the instructions given to police as well as the apparent excessive use of force by police officers against protesters. The Office’s human rights officers will continue to monitor events and interview individuals involved, including those injured by the use of force.”

It would be strongly recommended that the UN do something more urgent than pass further rhetoric down the Nepalese government channels, it must show demonstrable guts. Mr. Richard Bennett, Representative of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, must ably demonstrate that the standards of human rights protection apply as much to Tibetans as Nepalis. He must be forthright in being able to criticize Chinese human rights abuses restrictions on Tibetans just like the Bush administration has on earlier occasions. There must be some light at the end of the tunnel for the Tibetean people.

('Dywn' Bishnu Sapkota is a Law Student graduate from TU and works in multimedia communications production and photo media coverage with a prominent Kathmandu companies and internatiional press).

Related Posts

The Problem with Nepali Political Civil Society - The Leftist, the Cowards, and the Compromised
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/10/problem-with-nepali-political-civil.html

No Impunity for Civil Society Leaders: Nepalis are watching....
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/09/no-impunity-for-civil-society-leaders.html

UNMIN's "Consulting" Mentality Not Conducive to Nepal's "Stakeholder" Needs
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/07/unmins-consulting-mentality-not.html

Life is Good When You Are a Nepali Intellectual Elite
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/06/life-is-good-when-you-are-nepali.html

UNMIN Cheif Confronts Nepal Media Once Again!

(Courtesy: Bishnu Sapkota "Dwyn")

In what was considered as a controversial press conference held by the United Nations Mission in Nepal’s Chief Ian Martin in Kathmandu on March 12, 2008, the UN claimed that its officials did not misbehave with Nepali media persons who took pictures of the Russian MIG helicopter crash in Bethan, Ramechhap, last week that killed 10 people and resulted in the suicide of a Russian flight engineer who lost three of his colleagues in the tragedy. Mr. Ian Martin had personally chartered a helicopter to lead the rescue efforts.

Addressing a press conference at UNMIN headquarters Wednesday, Mr. Martin despite his good personal image, saw himself yet again defending lower rung Nepalese and UN expatriate personnel who not only were known to have misbehaved with Nepali journalists, but even rudely seized a film roll from one of the photographers. The UN for some hidden reason did not want the Nepalese media to take pictures of the helicopter accident sight stating it would violate journalist ethics in talking pictures of dead bodies. Nepali media people walked off more confused on the motives of the press briefing and its implications, than seeking truth behind UNMIN’s recent press incident. There are thousands of pictures published in the worldwide web, not only of UN and international humanitarian staff killed in action in the field but even American soldiers maimed or killed in Iraq.

Mr. Martin did try stating dispassionately that "Freedom of expression should be exercised by the press in accordance with professional ethics, which should govern the decision about what to photograph and film, and what not to," acknowledging later on that UNMIN staff did ask television crews not to film the bodies of the deceased until they were covered, out of respect for the dead and the sensibilities of their families and friends. The UN Mission Chief in Nepal further stated there was no mistreatment, and indeed no UNMIN staff handled the cameras, photographers or cameramen at any time wrongly, which was reported to the contrary by several trustworthy eye witnesses relating their story to prominent Nepalese and Indian media. Media freedom is jealously guarded in Nepal and Nepalese journalists have not even spared the Maoists who have committed some serious atrocities in the past, exposing them in the act.

Mr. Martin also denied that the UNMIN helicopters operated without remaining under the guidelines of the Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN) and did pay its dues. He emphasized,” This is not true. Earlier media reports quoted the CAAN officials that UNMIN helicopters are not controlled by the authority. UNMIN has made clear to the government and to the Civil Aviation Authority that it is willing to pay all relevant fees and charges for services provided, once these are identified as such. We have proposed how these can be identified, so that we can make the appropriate payment as soon as possible." This got many questioning whether UNMIN indeed had a lot of outstanding money to the Nepal Government.

Earlier, it has been reported by various top Indian and Asian media that UNMIN quickly replaced two brand new helicopters for its Nepal mission last year, as soon as they arrived, with two old ones which were ferried in from Sudan under mysterious circumstances. The UNMIN helicopter operates in Nepal without GPS system, flouting the UN’s very own ICAO regulations for VFR low altitude flights. Yet, Mr. Martin stated,” "All UNMIN flights comply fully with Nepalese civil aviation rules and procedures: each and every flight is carried out with the approval of the Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal. This has always been the case; it was the case with the ill-fated flight; and it continues to be the case. Reports to the contrary were simply false, and potentially very hurtful to family members and colleagues of the deceased." It is alleged that UNMIN has not paid past dues to the Nepalese civil aviation authorities landing its helicopter in make shift sites without prior approval of the Nepal civil aviation. Some are even suspecting Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal(CAAN) members are financially involved in whitewashing these UNMIN flights considered a violation of Nepal’s national security.

The CAAN has formed its usual commission to find out the cause of the chopper crash. In earlier investigations with other cases, it had either blamed the pilot, the aircraft, or else the passenger load, but it has seldom blamed itself in allowing dangerous flights or missions to take place. The helicopter accident occurred, according to reliable Nepalese pilots, in heavy thunder storms, when pilots usually suffer from disorientation. Bethan villagers mentioned seeing lightning strike the helicopter engine, whereupon it struck a stone on a hill, and then plummeted to the ground.. All the bodies were charred beyond recognition UNMIN’s Russian pilots had earlier provided enough adventure with the UN helicopters hovering over Kathmandu. Nepalese journalists had earlier written about their late night drinking adventures in Thamel a day prior to flights carrying UN VIPs from Kathmandu. The UN Civil Service Commission and Staff Association have also called for an inquiry which is highly embarrassing for Mr. Martin. UN choppers were last year reported flying low around the UN Complex in Pulchowk, diverting from their routine flight plans and assigned altitudes, or else taking some of its top brass on sightseeing tours, instead of serving official mission calls. Earlier, in January, UNMIN itself had carried out investigation of the precautionary landing of one of its choppers which nearly crashed; it chose not to broadcast the event.

Similarly Mr. Martin seemed to skirt the constituent assembly elections believing that that all the parties in the polls fray would accept the result of the elections to lead Nepal into a peaceful nation. However, there is again felt need for growing security, and US Ambassador Ms. Nancy J. Powell and British Ambassador Dr. Andrew hall have called on Nepalese Prime Minister Mr. Girija Prasad Koirala separately to inquire. Mr. Martin stated in his press briefing that conflicts in eastern and mid-Terai are still the hindrance to the polls, which have long subsided. However, surprisingly, the UN Human Rights Office in Kathmandu has kept quiet despite the international community’s concern on recent Maoist actions against Rastriya Prajatantra Party and the Rastriya Janshakti Party Chiefs in their campaign trail. While, Mr. Martin sternly stated the international community would have no sympathy with any group which carries out acts of violence in pursuit of its grievances or in attempts to disrupt the electoral process, these remarks were considered light in nature considering serious on-going HR violations already taking place in various campaigning spots where the UNMIN field observers are actually supposed to be, but are not!

Mr. Martin overall assured the specially selected media crew that the Constituent Assembly election is now on track. But to the contrary, Chief Election Commissioner Dr. Bhoj raj Pokhrel has questioned the persisting insecurity in the southern Terai . Mr. Martin also took a second look at the Joint Monitoring Committee feeling that the Nepal Army and the Maoist army must respect the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the arms monitoring agreement. Yet again, there has been no incident between the two in many months, and in fact interact quite well, without UNMIN’s intervention in an atmosphere of total confidence. In fact, the violation that is taking place is largely related to YCL activities against the political cadre of other parties. However UNMIN is known to be highly sympathetic to the Maoists.

Thus, media persons again walked away totally dejected with another outlandish UNMIN briefing full of media holes that seemed to accompany Mr. Martin’s press conference. Some media experts even wondered who had briefed him prior to the event. Mr. Martin also looked visibly upset and nervous during the briefing session. Both the UNMIN and UN Humanitarian Coordination Offices in Kathmandu have come under media fire for working on the sidelines with a few ill-reputed Nepali media houses and journalists in Pulchowk who seem to write in support of UN activities often divulging progress reports and achievement tags that appear not only ludicrous but contrary to the low staff morale existing in these organizations. UN reports often contradict each other, and the press and information officers hired, including a former Bangkok Post columnist working for the UN Humanitarian Coordinator’s office are considered possessing superficial knowledge on Nepalese development, history, culture and electioneering style. Some of the media person felt that if this is how UNMIN would conduct future media soirees, it would be hard luck convincing the UN Security Council and Nepal’s two important neighbors, India and China, on the need for another extension when the time came for one. Even the British might back down in supporting another UN Security Council resolution again. Some senior Nepalese journalists and Asian media representative in Kathamndu have repeatedly ignored UNMIN’s past invitations and boycotted UN House invitations for the past three years, ever since the arrival of Mr. Mathew Kahane, who led the UN downhill in Nepal. Their view is the respective UN organization heads are completely out of touch with the Nepalese political reality or the people’ aspiration to have meaningful democratic change. Yet, Mr. Ban KI-Moon is proposing to come to Nepal to observe the April 10, 2008 elections, in a state of UN unpreparedness and general administrative disarray. Many media representatives were surprised when the new UN chief in Nepal Mr. Robert Piper stated that he would be following the same policies as his predecessor!

PM Koirala on his part has already explained to various foreign envoys who call on him regularly that the government is committed to conducting the CA poll in a free and fair manner, as he did state in his discussion with the American and British envoys recently.

('Dywn' Bishnu Sapkota is a Law Student graduate from TU and works in multimedia communications production and photo media coverage with a prominent Kathmandu companies and internatiional press).

Realted Posts:

UNMIN Finally Speaks Out - A Critical Examination of UNMIN's Letter to News Front
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/02/unmin-finally-speaks-out-and-pulls-foot.html

UNMIN's (Matthew Kahane's) Observations Completely Legitimate; India's Guilt-Ridden Reaction, Nonsense
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/02/unmins-matthew-kahanes-observations.html

UNMIN in Need of Immediate Reform
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/11/unmin-in-need-of-immediate-reform.html

“Aba Atee Bhayo” (Enough is Enough)

(Courtesy: Roop Joshi)

The Nepali People are being taunted and made fools of by the Communist Party of Nepal – Maoist and its Youth Communist League (YCL). While the campaigning for the scheduled 10th April CA election is now supposed to be well underway, every day brings new reports of the YCL preventing candidates from other parties from campaigning in their constituencies. This blatant breach of the Election Code of Conduct has affected the entire gamut of political parties – Nepali Congress, UML, Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Rastriya Janata Party, and more. All the while, we are supposed to be headed for a “peaceful, democratic New Nepal”.

The case of the YCL attack, and almost assassination, of NC leader Dilendra Prasad Badu in Darchula on 5th February is a case in point. Along with Badu, three other NC cadres and six policemen were also injured in the attack. The all-party commission formed to investigate the incident came out recently with its findings. The Maoists/YCL were the culprits. Then the commission made its ludicrous recommendation: the Government was not to take any action and the Maoists were to censure/reprimand/ whatever the ruffians involved. This, in a nutshell, is the state of Law and Order in Nepal today. The YCL must be held accountable for their actions and the Maoist leadership must take full responsibility for what their cadres have done. The People, that is you and me, have to rise as one voice to protest this threat to our long-awaited chance for peace and democracy and an end to the oligarchic unelected government which we have had for the past two years.

With the pervasive breakdown of law and order across the country, the Home Ministry remains silent. Its minister KP Sitaula, a NC politician, has been accused of being a Maoist stooge for a long time. Yet he remains in the cabinet and the blessings of his boss, Prime Minister Girija Koirala, continue to be showered upon him. One wanders why. Perhaps the Maoists have put the fear of God (what irony!) into the PM and, as he loses his party colleagues every day to the Madhesh parties and as his own party seriously doubts his leadership, he has nowhere to cling to but to the comrades.

Here in the capital, and certainly elsewhere too, we see large hoardings exhorting all to give the “laal salaam” (red salute) to Comrade Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who is supposedly going to be the first President of Nepal. This is also a breach of the Election Code of Conduct. But, to fight fire with fire, why does only Comrade Dahal’s picture stare down at us? Do not the other parties have materials for signs? Maybe they cannot think of adequate slogans? Or are their leaders just too shy or too afraid to project their image and their party’s platform? With no chance of more than 10-15% of the CA seats being occupied by Maoists, should there really be a fair and free election, these hoardings are jokes. To you and me they may be jokes, but to the unaware public who do not know what a communist party is, they are a part of a skillful public relations campaign being waged by the Maoists. This charade is only a means to justify blaming others when the CA election does not take place as scheduled. Given established communist operating procedures, the Maoists will not settle for anything less than a sweeping victory in the election.

They will not accept to be partners in a coalition government, because they cannot achieve any of their outdated Marxist-Leninist goals in that manner. But as long as the common voter sees these hoardings, they will believe that someone really is going to be President. Since no other political leader’s face stares down on them, Comrade Dahal must be the man.

When the election does not take place on 10th April, the SPA government immediately loses its legitimacy and credibility. It will have to go. We have waited two years. Enough is enough! The only alternative is a Government of National Unity led by a non-SPA leader, but with an open invitation to the SPA leaders to be included. Should any SPA party resort to arms, the sole remaining option is for it/them to be crushed militarily. The Nepal Army will then have to earn its keep. The Police and Armed Police Force cannot do this alone. Lessons will have to be taken from, say, the then Malaya in the 1950s/60s or Peru more recently. Let us all – the NA primarily as well as we the People – be ready for this eventuality. As the saying goes, hope for the best and prepare for the worst.

Related Posts

Democracy - Nepali Style
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/12/democracy-nepali-style.html

Unity Call
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/12/unity-call.html

Will CA Polls be 'Free and Fair'?

(Courtesy: Dr. Hari Bansha Dulal)

Election fever has finally hit the nation. After two years of political confusion and chaos, the chances of Constituent Assembly (CA) elections taking place appear brighter than ever. However, the major concern now is: What will happen if elections go one way or the other?

Will the Maoist radicals that believe only violence can effect political change for the people, and for whom, death of innocent civilians, children, or a land owner who owns too large a plot of paddy is simply the cost of war accept the defeat if they fail to emerge as a major political party in CA elections? Will the royalists that seem to be excited by the recent opinion poll that shows a surge in king's popularity accept the verdict of CA polls wholeheartedly if people reject monarchy? What would the mainstream political parties' like the Nepali Congress and the United Marxist Leninist (UML) do if they fail to put up a decent fight in the CA polls?

Has anybody in the mainstream political parties or the donor community thought about these scenarios and their possible fallout seriously? The game does no get over with the CA elections. Rather, the real power game will begin after the elections are over. There is a big possibility of a post-election violence like the one that happened in Kenya recently. As the real battle for the political survival will begin after the CA elections, donor community should work with the moderate political forces and the Army and come up with a post-election strategy.

For Puspa Kamal Dahal, his life-long presidential ambition is at stake, whereas for King Gyanendra, more than two century-old royal legacy is almost over. Will these pompous egoistic individuals accept people's verdict like rational human beings? There is very little room to believe that. So, it is important that we, as a nation, remain prepared for the worst.

On the brighter side, upcoming CA elections have provided a perfect opportunity for the democratic forces in Nepal to emerge as a winner. All they got to do at this point in time is to ensure that elections are not rigged by the groups that want to falsely project themselves as a major political force. Free and fair CA elections have the potential to re-legitimize the mainstream parties through a process of universal suffrage. Rigged elections will further legitimize a decade of violence.

The Maoist party is clinically dead in the tarai. It will, thus, do anything for a clean sweep in the hills. Politically, it is a do-or-die situation for them. The best way of testing the Maoist commitment towards the free and fair elections is through the deployment of the Nepali Army during the CA elections.

As the demands of every dissenting group in the tarai have been fulfilled, except for the secessionists, deployment of the NA to ensure free and fair elections should not be a problem. If there is an opposition, be sure that the opposing group definitely has something else in mind. It would be a blunder to cage a professional army that has successfully conducted elections in war-ridden countries when we need its help to identify the legitimate political forces that the people of Nepal trust to take the nation forward in the right direction.

In a situation whereby the Young Communists League (YCL) is openly intimidating leaders and campaigners of other political parties in the hills and secessionists are creating havoc in the tarai, the only way to enhance the popular participation in the upcoming elections is by making them feel safe at polling stations. And, Nepal Police under Krishna Situala's leadership is neither professionally capable, nor psychologically strong to do so.

Let us all be practical for the greater good of the nation, shall we? At this juncture, we have got two choices: (1) let the polls to be rigged out of fear that lack of political space will force the Maoists to return to the jungles (2) conduct free and fair elections and send a strong message: guns can't buy votes, ultimately you got to win the hearts and minds of people.

Radicals survive their confrontation with reality by withdrawing from society into their "sect." Irrespective of its ideological substance, radicalism as a frame of mind, exists at all times. Our success lies in conducting free and fair elections so that the people that are easily lured and indoctrinated by the radicals like Puspa Kamal Dahal, Nagendra Paswan, and Jay Krishna Goit get a message that, by raising arms against the state you can get only so far.

In a country like ours that has been a victim of bloody insurgency and ethnic divide, elections can be seminal events that, if free and fair, not only confer legitimacy on governments but also can profoundly influence political and social institutions, power arrangements, and citizens' expectations. Confining NA to the barracks at this juncture when the cadres of the Maoists and the secessionists are intimidating and annihilating political opponents will be a blunder of Himalayan proportion.

Do not make upcoming CA elections a fading shadow of democracy, by letting it to get rigged, when we are actually capable of conducting free and fair elections. Rigged elections will further squeeze the juice out of major political parties that are already dehydrated.

Like the Maoist violent means taught those groups out there that are now raising arms against the state that, raising arms against the state is not a heinous crime but a profitable political bargain, rigged elections will teach them another set of lessons: first, bring down the mainstream political parties to their knees at a gun point and then replace them through rigged elections. How good of a lesson would that be?

Related Posts:

Nepal's CA Elections - Assume Nothing
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/02/nepals-ca-elections-assume-nothing.html

Smoke and Mirrors - Why Nepal's Constituent Assembly Elections Won't Happen in April 2008
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/12/smoke-and-mirrors-why-nepals.html

They Shoot Journalists Don't They?
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/11/they-shoot-journalists-dont-they-nepali.html

Real Obstacle for Elections – The Maoists

(Courtesy: Zizimous)

I was aghast to read that Dr.Baburam Bhattarai, a senior Maoist leader declaring, "The Maoists would launch a new revolution if his party lost the elections," during his election campaign rally in Bhachhek, Gorkha recently. Furthermore, Prachanda, the commander of the so called Peoples Liberation Army has been reported by Kantipur Daily to have reached some form of an agreement with the UML to secure his victory from constituency number 10 in Kathmandu. What this signifies is that the Maoists are caught in a serious dilemma about facing elections. Most importantly, the silence of the Maoists in the recent days suggests the crisis fermenting in their camp. In a free and fair election, the Maoists stand no chance of securing a majority.

I remain very much a pessimist - I doubt the elections will happen. There are three things that need to go wrong for the elections not to happen and about 30 things that need to happen correctly if the elections are really to take place. First, the Maoist insurgency is not just a Nepali phenomenon but it's a global and a regional phenomenon. The Maoists have been aided by international leftist organisations and of course the COMPOSA and the CPI-M in India. Having said this, the Maoists came into an agreement with the SPA as a tactical move to capture state power through the 12 Point Agreement.

However, if the Maoists fail to secure a majority in forthcoming elections, the Maoist party will not be in a position to implement their revolutionary ideals. The whole purpose or the rationale of participating in the transitional phase and participating in the elections would prove futile if the Maoists can't secure a majority and implement their outdated dogmatic ideals. So, in a perfect situation you will have elections that are semi free and fair and the Maoists will reject the results.

On the other hand, the Maoists will not want to be in a position where they are singled out for the deferral of the polls. Hence, they will participate in the polls but they will want to dictate the terms and the conditions of what they define as free and fair elections. In a free and fair election, the Maoists know they stand no chance of winning. Even Prachanda has been forced to negate an agreement with the UML to ensure his victory from Kathmandu where the UML have a strong base.

If the Maoists lose these elections, their revolution and of course the leadership will be in utter crisis. To secure a majority in the forthcoming elections, the Maoists would have to capture booths and hold farcical polls but then other political parties will either boycott or not agree to the results of such polls. In any event, the Maoists want to capture power - they have to or they face a crisis, both internal and external in nature. Prachanda and his comrades very well know that time is against them, and the comrades believe the present uncertainty provides them the only realistic opportunity to capture state power.

However, it is critical to understand what actually motivates the political decisions taken by the Maoists. Dr.Bhattarai is fundamentally correct when he opines the Maoists will change the course of the economy when the Maoists come to power. The Maoists aim not just to change the structural functions of the economy but they also envisage a classless society – free from social, cultural and religious assertions. For the Maoists to be in a position to implement such rigid and radical ideology, a majority is a precondition. Fortunately, that is not possible.

Similarly, the Maoists have sold lofty dreams to their cadres by promising to implement their radical brand of communism. Therefore, if the Maoists lose these elections, not only will they face desertions internally, the Maoists would also face the possible threat of external isolation. Both the RIM and COMPOSA were provided an explanation by Nepali Maoists that their participation in the peace process and the election was a part of the strategy to capture state power. However, if the Maoists lose these elections, they will have to opt either for a divorce with their mother parties( RIM or COMPOSA) or the Maoists will be forced to make some unpleasant decisions that will result in some form of violence in the name of a revolution.

The crisis the Maoists would endure if they lose the elections is of a far greater magnitude than that is understood by the larger populace. The YCL has an annual budget of Rs 1 billion as reported by their chairman. To sustain such an enormous organization; great resources are required. A vast majority of the resources generated by the Maoists' for the elections has been collected through illegitimate means such as abduction, intimidation and coercion.

Concurrently, the Maoists are also guilty of orchestrating some the worst crimes that often resulted in unimaginable human rights abuses. The people in general are buoyed by the prospect of the polls and have given in into the intimidation of the Maoists for the sake of peace and democracy. However, the Maoists know that the longer they remain a part of the status quo their chances of getting exposed for who they actually stand for is higher. Hence, they need to capture power to avoid further embarrassing exposures.

Related Posts:

Nepal's CA Elections - Assume Nothing
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/02/nepals-ca-elections-assume-nothing.html

Electoral Façade
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/01/electoral-facade.html

Smoke and Mirrors - Why Nepal's Constituent Assembly Elections Won't Happen in April 2008
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/12/smoke-and-mirrors-why-nepals.html

Political Vocabulary

(Courtesy: Roop Joshi)

“All men are enemies. All animals are comrades.” George Orwell, Animal Farm

A discerning political analyst friend, P.S. Kunwar, recently suggested to me that there is a lot of confusion in political discussions in Nepal these days due to the unfortunate fact that the same words have different meanings for democrats and communists. Right off, this statement implies that a communist is not a democrat. In fact, our communists consider Jana Andolan II as only a ‘democratic revolution’ which is to be followed by the real revolution on 10th April 2008 when the CPI-M will win and transform the country into its own image. Consequently, the term “Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal”, being bandied about so haphazardly, already has a built-in contradiction since this term has been endorsed by the communists in the SPA.

“Democracy”, to democrats, stands for a pluralistic form of governance where all views have the chance to be endorsed or rejected through elections by the majority and, once accepted or rejected, is binding to all. To communists, democracy is a tactical move leading to a form of governance whereby a communist party, which is supposed to represent the voice of the “People”, rules. Hence we have the tiresome repetitions by the CPN-M and its leaders on how they are fighting for the “people”, while the “people” seem unaware of this uncalled for championing on their behalf. This is inevitable since, to communists, “People” are the recipients of the Party’s benevolence who need to be directed and taught. Democrats consider “people” as the ultimate deciders of the direction of the state.

The “State”, to democrats, is a permanent framework that governs society, and the parties which have won popular approval can steer the state for a limited time. The state is an instrument of the party for communists. If the state does not follow party lines then parallel institutions will be created. We in Nepal are very familiar with this parallelism. There is a dichotomy even on the definition of “Political Parties”. Is it a vehicle to formulate and articulate views or, as the communists would have it, a vehicle to usurp and maintain power?

The CA Elections are only about a month away. Democrats consider “Elections” a periodic impartial event. For communists, an election is an event which endorses the rule of the Communist Party. That is why we have these events - the proclamation that 200 YCL cadres will be present at each voting booth; the statement by a top Maoist leader that should the CPI-M not win the election it will not be an election; and the numerous instances of YCL ruffians employing scare tactics to prevent candidates from rival parties from campaigning. It should also be increasingly apparent that parliamentary democracy is anathema to communists. “Parliament”, to democrats, is an effective arm of governance providing checks and balance to the executive. Communists consider parliament an instrument to rubber-stamp the activities of the executive.

“Equality” to democrats is equality of opportunity while, to communists, it is equality of outcomes. How the outcomes are achieved is up to the wisdom of the Communist Party, with all ends justifying the means. Simplistic definitions mired in outdated doctrines are also the monopoly of the communists. For them, “Underdevelopment” is caused by the oppression by the feudal classes. Democrats see underdevelopment as being caused by a myriad of socio-political, economic, domestic as well as international factors.

The SPA has just agreed in principle to the autonomy of Madhesh, to be endorsed by the CA. It will be interesting to see what happens, since the communists view “Autonomy” as the principle of de jure federalism with de facto centralization through the Communist Party, while to democrats, autonomy is the principle of decisions being most effective if they are taken closer to the ground. Again, “Social harmony”, to democrats, means that no group or segment of the population is left unfairly behind. To communists, it is the elimination (physically in most cases) of all “anti-people” elements.

“Development” has largely been ignored in Nepal while a divided government is preoccupied jockeying for power. Even here, democrats consider that the establishment of a framework and conditions for all to prosper leads to development. Communists want to achieve development by allocating resources as per political needs. Finally, and most strikingly, “History”, to democrats, is facts from the past while to communists it is interpretation for the future. Of course, the interpretation is the purview of the communist leadership.

So we stumble on with two groups speaking two different languages yet telling us Nepalis that they are united. The question is for how long are we going to be fooled?

Related Posts:

Democracy - Nepali Style
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/12/democracy-nepali-style.html

What is to be Done?
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/08/what-is-to-be-done.html

State Sovereignty at Stake
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/08/state-sovereignty-at-stake.html

Checkmate or Comeback King?

(Courtesy: Chiran J. Thapa)

After a year's hiatus, the Monarch seems to have abandoned his posture of profound reticence and reclusiveness. The Monarch's outspokenness, however, comes at a paradoxical period. While the ruling alliance of political parties are getting close to putting an end to the Royal institution, support for the Monarchy seems to be growing in contrast.

With the signing of the 8 point pact between the Madheshi leaders and the Transitional Governing Authority (TGA), the turmoil in Terai has supposedly been bottled and has made way for the Constituent Assembly election (CA) in April. Following a 23 point agreement signed between the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the Maoists in December of last year, the transitional parliament passed a bill to declare Nepal a “Federal Democratic Republic” and abolish Monarchy. This decision, however, is set to be implemented only after the CA.

Prior to this decision, not only was the Monarch ostracized but the ruling alliance systematically clipped the royal power and prerogatives. The Royal palaces along with the fortune inherited by the current Monarch from the late Monarch’s family were nationalized. With all the weakening actions taken against the Monarch, it appeared that he was virtually confined within the Palace walls and was awaiting the verdict of abolition.

But amidst the spectre of abolition, the Monarch has seemingly come out of seclusion. Taking a cautious and calibrated approach, the Monarch issued a very brief statement on the occasion of National Democracy day. He had, however, broken his silence prior to that by granting audiences to two journalists (Hari Lamsal of Rastravani weekly and Yoshio Hanada of Yomiuri Shimbun). Both of whom, immediately published the transcripts of the royal tête-à-tête.

The Monarch has resurfaced at a time when opinion polls are revealing growing support for the Monarchy. According to a very recent nationwide survey entitled "Nepal's contemporary political situation", support for the Monarchy has rebounded a bit after steeply plunging from 81% in 2004 to the lowest ebb of 45% in post April uprising period. The survey showed that the support has now grown to almost 50%.

Another very recent online opinion poll taken by Nepal news/Nepali Times corroborated with the survey results. Almost 57% of the respondents preferred to retain the institution of Monarchy.

For many, however, this surge of support comes as no surprise. Growing anarchy, mounting ethnic tensions, rampant border encroachment, pervasive foreign interference and grave insecurity have fuelled widespread disenchantment against TGA. Acute fuel and food shortages coupled with prolonged hours of black-outs have only bred resentment. And the recidivist tendencies and the twice postponed CA have eroded TGA's credibility and legitimacy even further.

Perhaps sensing an opportune moment, even the low-lying Monarchists have resurfaced with vigour. For the first time after the April uprising, erstwhile home-minister Kamal Thapa’s party RPP-Nepal staged a protest rally in the capital during which Thapa roared his support for Monarchy. And in the first week of February, 18 Political parties met in Kathmandu to form a united front to support the Monarchy.

Not just the loyal Royalists, but support for the Monarchy is pouring in from some unlikely corners. Talking to reporters during his birthday bash, the only surviving founder of the Nepali Congress - former Prime Minister Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, emphasized the indispensability of Monarchy. He further predicted that the institution would live on for the next three hundred years.

Presumably, there are others riding the same bandwagon. The trio widely known as KGB (Khum bahadur khadka, Govinda Raj Joshi, and Bijay kumar Ghachadar) from the same party are believed to be advocating for the continuation of Monarchy. And word has it that, there are quite a few others of the same party that have huddled around the trio. The Prime Minister - Giraja Prasad Koirala's daughter too has exhibited alacrity for retaining the Monarchy.

Interestingly, even the Maoist boss-man Pushpa Dahal's recent parleys with the hardcore Monarchists have the pundits speculating a crown-communist collusion.

Besides the support at the national level, some analysts seem convinced that the international community has changed its mind too. They believe that international actors are alarmed by the emergence of new intractable problems. And in hushed tones, they privately link the mess to the political vacuum created by a sidelined Monarchy.

Case in point is the International Crisis Group's (ICG) assessment. Following the April uprising, ICG's assessments had rarely acknowledged Monarchy as a significant factor in national politics. But, in its most recent country report, it has conceded to the fact that the Palace is a power centre none could ignore.

Others translate the lackadaisical response to the Monarch's recent outspokenness as an indicator of external support. The leaders, who went bonkers over Monarch's religious visits and previous statements, have hardly spewed any rancour this time around. Even the truculent Maoist boss-man's response was effete. Rather, it sounded more like a slap on the wrist. Mildly criticizing the Monarch, Dahal simply signalled that alien forces were supporting the Monarch.

Perhaps Dahal was hinting at the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP). Speaking at a conference on "democracy and conflict resolution in Asia," the national spokesperson for BJP - Lal Krishna Advani, had recently spelled out the need to preserve constitutional Monarchy and the Hindu identity of Nepal. Saying that Monarchy was the symbol of national unity and identity of Nepal, Advani even lashed out at his own government for remaining apathetic and allowing the communists to gain an upper hand.

Since India wields enormous influence in Nepal, analysts predict that the support for the Monarchy pronounced by the Indian juggernauts will most likely have an impact on the balance of power. Even more promising for the Monarch could be the forthcoming visit of a BJP delegation. Under the leadership of its chairman- Rajnath Singh, this delegation is scheduled to arrive in Kathmandu soon. Reports have it that the BJP's primary agenda will be to promote the restoration of Constitutional Monarchy and re-declaration of Nepal as a Hindu Kingdom.

Certainly, the Monarch must be counting on BJP’s support to re-hoist the banner of Monarchy. But it appears that he is hedging his bets mostly on the Nepali people. His faith on the Nepali People is evinced by what he told Hari Lamsal during the tête-à-tête. The Monarch is quoted to have said –“Nepali people have such large hearts that anybody could find shelter there.”

Analysts have conjectured that the Monarch might have taken inference from the Maoists' ascendancy to power. They speculate that the rationale behind the Monarch’s conviction is: if a bunch that were once branded as barbaric terrorists by the entire world could be embraced and ensconced in the power pedestal, then why can’t there be a reprieve for the Monarchy?

Others believe that the Monarch may still have a trump card up his sleeve. Analysts point to what the Monarch told the journalists. In his words they find a subtle hint of a tri-partite agreement between the SPA, India and the Monarch prior to re-instating the previously dissolved parliament. If there was such an arrangement, then it could possibly change the dynamics of the game.

And then there are pundits who are quick to link the Monarch’s comeback to his astrological birth chart. The tabloids have often written about the Monarch’s astoundingly strong birth chart configurations. Supposedly, even that of the Queen is very strong. The two fortuitous enthronements and the birth dates of the royal couple are the obvious expositions. The Monarch’s birth date happens to be 7/7/1947 and Queen’s is Bikram Samvat 2007, Falgun 7. In a country where coincidences are indelibly associated with the supernatural, all the lucky number sevens in the royal couple's charts leave a lot of room for conjectures.

But, despite the strong birth charts, two fortuitous enthronements, and indicators of growing support, the battle for the Monarchy is far from over. First, the republican order has already been hammered out by the TGA. And, it will require a lot more than a strategy of hope, reliance on Hindu deities or star positioning to reverse that arrangement. Second, it will also need to outlive Gorakhnath's curse on the Shah dynasty – which according to the legend premonishes the demise of the dynasty after the 10th heir of the Late King Prithvi Narayan Shah, who happens to be Dipendra.

Nevertheless, whether the current trends reflect a royal resurgence or a moribund monarchy, the fact of the matter is: the institution is hardly Nepal's gravest malady. And although fervently touted by the current ruling alliance, neither is the CA the panacea.

In truth, Nepal has been destabilized and pauperized by a litany of other afflictions. So what Nepal direly needs a collective effort of all the major political forces to pull the country out of the current abyss. And for Nepal to inch forward, it primarily demands an inclusive and constructive engagement for committed unity. For, unity is the only sustainable option for the country's progress. Without unity, Nepal will remain mired in a vicious cycle of conflict for years to come. Due to which - the idea of a Nepali state will be imperilled. And of course, without Nepal, neither can the Monarch make a comeback nor will a New Nepal come into fruition.

Related Posts:

Nepal's Political Paradoxes
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/01/nepals-political-paradoxes.html

The Problem with Nepali Political Civil Society - The Leftist, the Cowards, and the Compromised
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/10/problem-with-nepali-political-civil.html

The Non-Relevance of Secularism for Nepal
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/09/non-relevance-of-secularism-for-nepal.html

Debunking the Democratic Dogma
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/09/debunking-democratic-dogma.html

To Our Men Known Unto God

(Courtesy: Anand Gurung)

Not many people have the privilege of having an obituary written about them in newspapers after they die. Bhanubhakta Gurung, one of the recipients of the Victoria Cross (VC), Britain's highest and most prestigious military decoration for gallantry in the face of the enemy, was among few whose demise called for front-page obituaries in Kathmandu dailies.

"Ayo Gorkhali" (The Gurkhas have come).

The 85-year-old former British-Indian Gurkha soldier did deserve the citation more than any, for his stupendous bravery can so easily capture the imagination of us who take pride in our long history of gallantry in the battlefield. His death was such a 'devastating news' for The Kathmandu Post that it dedicated an entire editorial on him and other VC veterans, calling them 'part and parcel of our two-centuries old national heritage', and urging the government to recognize their 'daring feats' and 'valorous deeds' by establishing a memorial center or a museum.

The Post wrote: "[Havaldar Bhanbhakta] Gurung along with other Nepali recipients of the VC will not be remembered for securing the [VC] medal alone, however. By performing their deeds of valor with a 'khukuri' in hand, the Gurkhas not only amazed the Britishers but also made Nepal familiar to outside world."

Continuing with the same sensitivity, it further wrote, "due to the valorous achievement of the VC veterans, young Nepalis are still sought by the Britishers for recruitment in their army."
Words like bravery, valor, courage, heroism and others that evoke masculinity are easy to use, and it does also automatically come to mind while describing war-heroes. Except that it would be sheer thoughtlessness on our part to use them while referring to the Gurkhas without first understanding what they went through in those countless of wars in which they fought. What immense pain, agony, suffering and horrors they lived through to be entitled for being conferred with medals, which to them must have been as meaningless as their involvement in the war to defend a country and people who were alien to them. It would be called insensitivity on our part if we don't first put into perspective why they put or were forced to put themselves in situations where such 'bravery' was necessary? What pushed them to such limits so as to single-handedly take on the enemy? What force or energy that drove them to such madness or foolishness for that matter?

Grace under fire

It was March 5, 1945. The mighty Japanese troops were rapidly marching towards India after defeating the British forces in Singapore in the most pivotal period of the Second World War. A defeat either side meant that the entire face of the war could change. The Japanese forces needed not only to be stopped in Burma but convincingly defeated and repelled from there to avoid the most cherished possession of the British empire – India – falling into their hands. Rifleman Bhanubhakta Gurung was with the legendary 2nd Gurkha Rifles of British-Indian Army deployed at the frontlines to stop the advancing enemy. On that fateful day which is etched in Gurkha legend as the 'A sniper in the Cherry tree' incident, a Japanese sniper had killed dozens of Gurkhas and British officers, making it necessary to spot him quickly to avoid more casualties. Bhanubhakta, seemingly without any fear for his life, exposed himself defiantly in the open ground, and after having spotted the Japanese sniper, eventually shot him down from the tree.

Then again Bhanubhakta stormed at an enemy position with a complete disregard for his own safety even as the rest of his battalion were forced to ground by very heavy hail of Light Machine Gun, grenade and mortar fire. He leapt on to the roof of the bunker and dropped a smoke bomb through the air-hole. As the hapless Japanese crawled out choking, he promptly cut them down with his khukuri.

He seemed to have gotten intoxicated by so much blood, but there was no stopping him. He then crawled inside the bunker, killed the Japanese gunner and captured the Light Machine Gun. He then took up position in the captured bunker with three other rifleman. The enemy counter-attack followed soon after, but under Bhanubhakta's command the small party inside the bunker repelled it with heavy loss to the enemy. With outstanding bravery he went on to clear five enemy positions single-handedly the same day.

In stories after stories of unflinching and conspicuous bravery in battlefields South of France to the slopes of Monte Cassino in Italy, or in Greece and further east in Palestine and south in Tunisia, then again in the malaria infested dense jungle of Burma and Borneo, countless number of Gurkha soldiers fought bravely alongside the British against enemy troops, saved the lives of their comrades and officers alike and laid down theirs in the process.

Those who lived to tell the stupendous feat they achieved in the battlefield made others feel as if they were super-humans blessed with quasi-mythical powers who even belittled death with their valor. If not, how would anyone explain this moving scene that seems to give even the grimness of war a very poignant, all too human touch.

The London Gazette dated 18 November, 1915 praised the courage of Rifleman Kulbir Thapa, 3rd Gurkha Rifles, who was conferred the first Victoria Cross for his "conspicuous bravery" in this manner: "When himself wounded, on the 25th September 1915, he found a badly wounded soldier of the 2nd Leicestershire Regiment behind the first line German trench, and, though urged by the British soldier to save himself, he remained with him all day and night. In the early morning of 26th September, in misty weather, he brought him out through the German wire, and, leaving him in a place of comparative safety, returned and brought in two wounded Gurkhas one after the other. He then went back in broad daylight for the British soldier and brought him in also, carrying him most of the way and being at most points under enemy's fire".
Written words rarely evoke so much emotions!

Battle cry

After the Great War ended like the way previous wars had ended, with great suffering and misery to millions of people and the entire continent devastated with the experience, Gurkha soldiers who had survived the war returned to their homes as 'Lahureys', a name they came to adopt from the Pakistani city of Lahore where they were posted to during the early periods of war.

They were enlisted into the army from their village in large bands comprising of their uncles, brothers and friends. But as they had been thrown into the frontlines immediately after joining the army, returned home singly or in pairs scarred for life with the horrors of war but still with few consolatory words for the families of their fellow-men who were lost, taken as Prisoners of Wars (PoWs) or killed in action (KIA). The fortunate ones among them were able to start their life anew, but those who had lost their hands or legs had only themselves to curse.
Still most of them lived their life in ignorance like so many from their previous generation who fought for the British: They were called 'the Brave Gurkhas' by their commanding officers, and were encouraged to exhibit bravery in future such conflict, but they never knew that their own brothers had sold them as mercenaries to a foreign country for a fixed annual sum. They were sent to defend a foreign crown and country and compelled to raise weapons against an enemy whom they had nothing against. They were literally spoon-fed with high-sounding words, were told about the glory they would bring to themselves and their country if they fought bravely in the war, that a Gurkha should not show his back against an enemy, that it is better to die fighting bravely than live a single minute as a coward. Even praises can be used very effectively to exploit someone for one's own profit.

Having heard stories after stories of wars in distant lands which their grandfathers and fathers had fought; and probably also to escape the tremendous depravation and poverty in their home, many of them willingly joined the British-India army during the First and Second World Wars. They were not very well-built, but still very robust, as they were brought up in the treacherous hills and mountains, and the difficult life had toughened them to the core. They were simple hill-folks, who believed in their heart more than their brain. They followed certain moral codes, but at the same time they also had primordial instincts to kill without any feeling and judgment. This was what made the Gurkhas very lethal in the battlefield. Apart from proving themselves as ruthless warriors, the Gurkhas were also very loyal, who took orders of their commanding officers as if they were god's decree. They stormed enemy's position alone if need be and without any regard for their safety. And even the devil fears those who don't have fear for their lives.

The Turks and Germans dreaded them during the First World War. Then during the Second World War it was the turn of the Japanese. So petrified and afraid were they of the Gurkhas that only a call of 'Ayo Gorkhali' from a lone figure far at the distance amidst the smoke, with the khukuri flashing in his hands, used to sent shivers down their heavily armored bunkers. [It is said that after storming the Japanese bunkers and hacking most of its occupants to death with their khukuris, Gurkha soldiers used to always spare the life of one soldier so as to let him go and spread the terror he witnessed among his comrades in other bunkers.]

In subsequent military campaigns of the British Army over the years - in Falklands, Bosnia , Sierra Leone , Kosovo and now in Afghanistan - the Gurkhas found themselves at the frontlines of war. Tall tales of their ferocity and war-exploits sometimes reached ahead of them because of which enemy troops started fleeing at the knews that Gurkhas were coming. It is said that Britain had won the Falkland wars solely on the propaganda they spread about the Gurkhas, portraying them as merciless killers with khukris. And when Gurkhas were finally being deployed in the island to fight, the Argentinean army had already pulled out. Later it was immortalized in a remark attributed to legendary footballer Diego Maradona, who after having defeated the English team in the World Cup finals, was reported to have said that he wouldn't have been sure of their victory if there were Gurkhas instead of the English in the opposition team.

'Known unto God'

After India won its independence from Britain following the end of the Second World War, the two countries divided the Gurkha soldiers between themselves after signing a tripartite agreement with Nepal . Rifleman Bhanubhakta Gurung was to be with the new Indian Army, but he resigned from it because of his sheer abhorrence towards a war during which he witnessed the deaths of so many. However, many of his fellow compatriots went on to serve the Indian army, defending the territorial integrity of the Indian Union during the 1962 war with China , then two subsequent wars with Pakistan and repelling the Mujahideen fighters during the Kargil war.

Rather than having to kill anyone again, Bhanubhakta instead chose to return to his village in Gorkha. However, the poverty that drove him and his fellow men into war was still there and he battled with financial problems his entire life. As he had quit the Indian army after only six years in service, he had been deprived of pension. But in recognition for showing "extraordinary battle-field skill and bravery" during the war for which he won the VC, he used to get Rs 12 as annual allowance from the Gorkha Welfare Center. For 63 years he visited the center to get his allowance which was later increased to Rs 100 per month. This went on until he was confined to bed for the last 4 years of his life after becoming unable to walk. He was also suffering from Asthma since long back. Bhanubhakta must have lived his entire life with the feeling that he was betrayed, but he was a simple man; neither able to speak up against it nor stop his sons and grandsons to follow the only means to earn their livelihood he had shown. Then after his time came, he died as the last VC veteran. It was all over.

Bhanubhakta along with 12 other late VC veterans had also unknowingly set a long distinguished tradition in the community to which they belonged – of serving in foreign armies and laying down their lives while doing it. But later even those Nepalis who could never make it into the British or Indian armies were inspired to become Lahureys like them and would go to Qatar , Dubai , Saudi Arabia , Malaysia , even to war torn countries like Lebanon and Iraq in search of work, to escape the poverty back home. And the same thing happens – they would also die like the Gurkhas in a strange land serving foreign masters, only that they would not be so fortunate of having their death glorified.

If you ever read the accounts of the valor for which the 13 Gurkhas received the VCs then you'll find that it is not for bravery, but a desperate act that often drive men to do unusual things in the most trying of circumstances. Their utter disregard for their own safety while fighting the enemy troops may be called a daring feat, but behind that lay their anger, their frustration at being just picked up from their hills and mountains and transported to the middle of war to die. They were meant to be expendable, and the Gurkhas knew it very well. And all the bravery and courage they exhibited in the battle front was just to prove to the British, to every one, that they were not. This was a force that impelled them to such acts of valor, or we may call foolishness, as only a thin line separates one from the other.

More than 43,000 Gurkha soldiers fought for the British during the Second World War in Burma, and thousands of them died an unnamed death in the frontlines. They may have fought bravely, died a hero's death. Some may have even run away from the battle-field like any other soldiers do when faced with imminent death. But their stories were lost forever in the chaos and confusion of war, perhaps never to be written. These faceless Gurkhas never received any citation, but ended up just being a mere statistics of the great wars, or a body inside a grave in which has been inscribed " "A soldier of the 1939-1945 War, known unto God," or perhaps not even that.

Related Posts:

Nepali Nationalism and Prashant Tamang
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/12/nepali-nationalism-and-prashant-tamang.html

Nationalism as a Political Agenda - Defining Nepali Interests
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/12/nationalism-as-political-agenda.html

The Utility of a Professional Nepalese Army
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/07/utility-of-professional-nepalese-army.html

Maoist Electoral Strategy - What is the CPN-M up to?

(Courtesy: Dr. Thomas A. Marks)

CPN(M) demands cannot be met within the context of parliamentary democracy. The Maoists themselves are quite explicit in this regard. They remain committed to sweeping away of the old-order and replacing it with a new-order that is “Maoist.” The specifics involved are common to Maoist movements throughout South Asia and feature a dreary litany of state intervention in all economic, social, and political facets of existence, accompanied by an “anti-imperialist” foreign policy that supports the likes of North Korea, Iran, and Venezuela.

Power as Goal

All actions being taken are designed to bring the Maoists to power. When called to account by their CCOMPOSA compatriots for their having abandoned the revolutionary struggle, the Nepali Maoists succeeded in placating their critics by outlining just what is set forth here. Put in so many words: our way will deliver power by emphasizing the “non-violent” aspects of people’s war – and using violence to give them salience.

This implementation of people’s war strategy, however, has not gone unchallenged. The 5th Plenum of the CPN(M), which was held in early August using as an “expanded meeting (EM)” format that brought together 2,174 delegates, saw fierce opposition to staying the course with campaigns just short of overt confrontation. Though a Central Committee meeting was held at the end of July (2007) to ensure that the required report (to the party) by Prachanda was a consensus document, the “EM” did not go smoothly. Having continued to exclude the state from the rural areas, yet gained unfettered access to the urban centers, a faction of the Maoist leadership demanded open confrontation to finish the job. In particular, it saw no point in Maoist ministers continuing in the government. In the event, the Maoists did bolt in September 2007.

Thus the Maoists left the government, strenuously demanded acceptance of their 22 demands – many of them precisely the issues that were to be settled by a constitutional convention – and issued instructions to CPN(M) front organizations to be prepared to initiate street actions. What happened was fully in accord with their plans: SPA agreed to establish a “republic,” thus disestablishing the centuries old monarchy, and the Maoists, in December, returned to government. Their only goal left unaccomplished, which will be used to precipitate the next crisis, is integration of their combatants into the army – thus neutralizing it.

The CPN(M), therefore, is simply pursuing its ends by time and again changing its tactics. Its lines of operation have remained consistent. Only the emphasis placed upon any one line has changed with time and circumstances. The present means of choice are front organizations (there are numerous allegedly independent bodies that are in reality Maoist creatures) and the YCL, which dominates the streets and conducts the strong-arm activities against businesses (e.g., forcing through Maoist unionization). Concurrently, the CPN(M) seeks to function as an open political party (the mass line), mobilizing those who will respond to any force that seems to offer them better life-chances.

What Motivates the Maoists?

Coercion, persuasion, and inducement are but facets of Maoist strategy, campaign elements inherent to the Maoist lines of operation. Faced with the refusal of the old-order to go quietly, the Maoists have responded through greater use of coercion, a form of violence. They have increased their level of menace, particularly through use of the YCL. This coercion is linked to upping the ante in numerous other ways, from verbal abuse to throwing sand in the machinery of governance. What is significant is that all coercion is linked to inducements and persuasion. Businessmen, for instance, are assured that the market will be allowed to function – but in a more equitable manner. Interest groups are assured that their concerns will finally be addressed once the Maoists are in power.

The trump card, as the Maoists see it, is threatening to bolt, to take to the streets, to launch a new people’s war. Though they quickly clarify that they do not mean “returning to the jungles,” the threat is clear enough: pitched street battles. That plans have been made for such an eventuality is known to the government, but the SPAM coalition is so tenuous that there is no one to take cognizance of the information.

What is occurring is a battle of mobilization capabilities. Throughout the counterinsurgency, the Maoists had the advantage for the simplest of reasons: the government did not recognize the game being played. To the contrary, all efforts by knowledgeable members of the state, especially within the security forces, to mobilize citizen capacity, whether in local defense forces or even watcher groups, were thwarted by incomprehension, outright opposition, or alliances made with the donor community.

In contrast, the entire thrust of the Maoist effort was to engage in mass mobilization, to form a counter-state that could challenge the state. The Maoists explained their situation in these terms – they continue to do so. By 2003, they claimed they were a state (i.e., a counter-state) that existed on equal terms with the existing state and therefore had all the rights and privileges of the state. Just as interesting theoretically was their advancing the claim that sub-state actors had all the rights and privileges afforded in international law only to states. There could be no middle ground: one order had to give way to the other.

In this effort, Maoist organization remained hierarchical, with an effort to overcome centripetal forces and indiscipline. “The revolution” was overwhelmingly an internal phenomenon, with the Nepali expatriate community largely onlookers, except as victimized by Maoist efforts at extortion or seeking to participate in the form of fellow-travelers. Eventually, after April 2006, serious divisions did emerge within the expatriate community, with the debate played out principally through blogs but noteworthy for the increasing consideration in the debate of “Mein Kampf considerations.” That is, what does it mean for the possible future of a country to have potential (and certainly would-be) leadership figures who engage in Cambodian Holocaust denial; who deify (at least several) mass murderers; and who advance ideas that in the 20th Century produced the greatest crimes in the history of humanity?

The decentralized nature of the electronic debate faithfully reflects what has been occurring within Nepal itself as hierarchy, both organizational and societal, has broken down. In one sense, it could be argued that the security forces have maintained a degree of hierarchy even as the Maoists have increasingly become networked. Indeed, one of the problems for the transitional state in dealing with the Maoists is the factor of assessing just what the Maoist leadership really controls. How much that is happening is in response to commands, and how much is simply local initiative that the Maoist leadership seeks to exploit?

The most frightening prospect, of course, remains a possible breakdown of law and order beyond anything yet seen. This at times appears to be the way the tarai is headed. Determined not to deploy NA, the weak government would have to be faced with a catastrophic situation before it would act, and by that time, the forces unleashed would probably be uncontrollable. The beneficiaries certainly would be the Maoists.

(Thomas A. Marks is a political risk consultant based in Hawaii. His most recent book is Maoist People’s War in Post-Vietnam Asia (Bangkok: White Lotus, 2007).

Related Posts:

Nepali Maoists Prepare for their Final Assault
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/08/nepali-maoists-prepare-for-their-final.html

Lack of Law & Order in Nepal, Primarily a Maoist-Originated Problem
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/07/lack-of-law-order-in-nepal-primarily.html

Young, Confused and Lost (YCL) – The Hammer of the Maoist “Party” of Nepal
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/05/young-confused-and-lost-ycl-hammer-of.html