Carnage in the Land of Buddha

(Courtesy: el Doctor)

Kapilvastu, the area which contains the birthplace of Lord Gautam Buddha after clashes mainly between Hindus and Muslims and between people from the Madhes and Hills has witnessed an appalling toll of human life. According to latest information, 33 people have died, about 60 buses have been scorched and dozens of houses of locals have been destroyed rendering the people homeless, hungry and without security. People have died even inside police cordons when they were taking out a rally calling for communal harmony.

This is only the latest in a series of rioting, bomb blasts, abduction and mayhem in the terai that started in the name of “federalism” with the initial demand of “additional seats to the terai districts.” But it has gone much beyond the issues of federalism, power sharing, seat reservations, citizenship and constituent assembly elections. The conflict has now transformed into a virtual civil-war like situation involving cross-border mafia gangs, direct support from the Indian police, mishandling by the state security and a total lack of concern by the government and the 8 main political parties.

Like before, the shameless government at the center has done nothing but to announce another probe commission to “investigate into the atrocities committed and evaluate the extent of damage to life and property.” Just on Sep. 2, a similar commission was formed to find the culprits of the triple blasts that rocked Kathmandu, the police arrested about 6 people and only God knows what happened after that. After the Gaur carnage too, the government had formed a high-level commission to “recommend ways to ensure that such incidents are not repeated”, but it fell on deaf ears as the ministers relish in the cocktail of power, privilege, revenge and absolutism. Surrounded by coterie of dwarfs, almost every minister is behaving as a giant.

While altogether 22 people died in the entire people’s movement of 2006, more than a hundred innocents have already been killed during the regime of this motley crowd of failed politicians. But history will take note of Koirala, Sitaula and Prachanda as they keep on making a mess of whatever little Loktantra has meant for the commonman on the street. It is evidently clear from the last 17 months of lawlessness that democracy has been hijacked to serve petty interests of a few.

But the scene of Kathmandu is not very different to that of Kapilvastu. The government is in political and Constitutional shatters after the Maoists resigned from the cabinet and vowed to disrupt the CA polls. Those that were the main reasons behind the merciless killing of 13 thousand blameless Nepalese from 1996-2006 are now advancing the same old Maoist modus operandi of setting up kangaroo courts an example of which will be seen on September 30 when they have promised to penalize culprits identified in the Rayamajhi Commission report.

It is therefore a foregone conclusion that the elections cannot be held on time for the same reasons why Deuba could not hold it in 2002 and 2004 and why there was a low-turn out in the municipal elections held during the royal government. But by pressuring to conduct a mock election by hook or by crook, the UN and much of the international community are essentially desiring more bloodbath and chaos inside Nepal.

Knowing fully well that the security situation is in total shambles, grave shortage of petroleum that has reached to the level of consumers pelting stones at the gas stations and the voters little understanding about what proportional and mixed form of election is; pressing for it in the hope of erecting an all new “inclusive” Nepal is actually pushing the country to the brink.

One thing the EC has successfully done however is to hire two famous comedians to advertise about the up-coming polls in the electronic media. Capable jokers that they are: they have reduced the CA elections into a hilarious prank that everyone finds entertaining.

While everyone has realized that the present government has lost the legitimacy and Koirala his relevance, one can only be alarmed at the prospects for the future if the course of national politics keeps on moving in the same direction as it is now. This government has effectively dismantled every institution capable of safeguarding national interest and legal, constitutional, administrative and security apparatus deliberately torn apart so as to suit a total Maoist takeover. Whether it is in the foreign policy, economic or in the social development front it has failed almost on every aspect coupled with a demoralized security force.

A Finance Minister that issued a white paper on the expenses made by the Foreign Minister of the royal government for embarking on “unimportant” visits to China, Russia, Qatar, the U.N. and Pakistan has recently opened the state coffers for the largest delegation in the country’s history to the UN General Assembly which includes quite astonishingly the chief secretary of the government. On the economic side, donors have done little but to issue series of statements supporting political developments since April 2006. But government’s own data indicate that “bilateral aid actually declined in the first eight months of fiscal year 2006/07.”

According to Binod Bhattarai writing for Nepali Times, “donors have forked out about Rs1.3 billion for the Nepal Peace Trust Fund (where the government put Rs.1 billion) but “they have spent several billion rupees on weapon stores, vehicles, tents, ballot boxes and computers, as well as funding peace seminars and organizing 'get to meet a real Maoist' visits to European capitals.”

But just how secure are these weapon stores? Just last week, the Maoists came out of the camps to demonstrate in full combat uniform yet the UNMIN could do little to stop them. It seems that the OHCHR can only issue press releases that records innumerable Maoist violations of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.

On the part of governance, one just needs to look at the pitiful condition of the national flag carrier. It is operating by sacrificing goats to the airplanes purchased by the Panchayat government in 1987. No government since has been able to add fleet to this ailing airliner.

With the situation out of hand and pace of political development at an astounding speed, there are couple of likely scenarios that may take shape in the foreseeable future for all of us to take stock of:

1. If the leftist parties unite and table a vote of no-confidence against the Prime Minister as mentioned by Maoist spokesman Mahara and knowing the endless hunger for power that PM Koirala has, he may even go to the extreme of declaring a state of emergency. But will the Nepal Army be constitutionally obliged to obey orders of a supreme commander in-chief who is himself facing a vote of no-confidence? If the leftists do succeed eventually in ousting Koirala, the longest serving Prime Minister in waiting Mr. Madhav Kumar Nepal will obviously be desiring to take the coveted seat himself. But will Comrade Prachanda allow him? Who will administer the oath to the new Prime Minister? The Chief Justice of the country has himself been denied consent by the special hearing committee of the parliament.
2. If the NC through its Mahasamiti opts for a republic in order to lure the Maoists, decide on seat-reservations for top leaders of 8 major political parties will it not take the sheen out of the NC which is a centrist political party and make the voters choice-less in the CA elections whenever it is held? What kind of an election will it be where every seat has been pre-decided? More importantly, how will elections resolve the problems of the terai?
3. Almost all anti-Indian demonstrations have taken place while there has been a “democratic” multi-party government in Kathmandu mostly in the post 1990 era. PM Koirala has himself felt that “the sovereignty of the country is in danger.” Going by the recent statements of Maoist leaders, there is a semblance of anti-Indianism yet again becoming the rallying point of nationalism in Nepal. Minister of Land Reforms and Management Jagat Bahadur Bogati at a program held on Sep. 20th has said that through the collective action of the people, we must now take back the “rightful territory which we lost in the past” while President of the Nepal Workers and Peasants Party says that “India is desperately searching for a Kazi Lendup Dorji to do something similar to what it did in Sikkim.” If the latest euphoria over the winning of the Indian Idol title by Prashant Tamang is any indication of the closest bond between ethnic Nepalese in Nepal and India, Delhi must be really worried of the concept of a Greater Nepal finally taking a concrete shape.
   

Before the nation jockeys from instability, illegitimacy, anarchy into a nationalist battle-cry what can be the workable solution of the current political impasse? Foremost, there must be an “all-inclusive”, democratic government comprising of the leftist, rightist and centrist sections of the Nepali polity. It is useless trying to resolve the unspeakable troubles before the Nepali people without having all sides of the conflict in a single platform. Only then perhaps can we stop this relentless blame game.

The Maoist demand of a round table conference can then be organized including also of His Majesty the King. Solutions to the problems before the state can be worked out in that meeting itself. Senior political leaders such as K.P. Bhattarai, G.P. Koirala, Madhav Nepal and Prachanda can visit the terai districts and call upon the people for restraint. The King can then visit the violence torn areas and calm an agitating populace angered by government lack of concern. With full backing of all national forces the Nepal Army then needs to be mobilized first to seal the open border and then clear and clean the terai of criminal elements so that the people can live in peace and harmony once again. Carrying the spirit of soldiering from its past and reliving it in the present, the Nepal Army should not detract from its glory of having maintained uninterrupted independence of Nepal.

Related Posts:

No Impunity for Civil Society Leaders: Nepalis are watching....
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/09/no-impunity-for-civil-society-leaders.html

Letter to NepaliPerspectives: A Choice-less Election
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/09/letter-to-nepaliperspectives-choice.html

The Nepali Times Gets it Wrong - Lazy Thinking and Unworthy Patronage of Maoists
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/09/nepali-times-gets-it-wrong-lazy.html

We the People

(Courtesy: Roop Joshi)

Last week, The Himalayan Times started off a piece with the statement, “Nepali Congress has gone republican following the wishes of the people….” The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) uses terms like “People’s Liberation Army” and justifies all its actions in the name of the People. The PEOPLE – who exactly are these people? Do I not belong to the people? Does not each and every one of us Nepali comprise the people? Are our political leaders speaking on our behalf, but without our knowledge or consent? The haphazard use of the term “People” by demagogues across the political spectrum has gone on for long enough. It is time for We, the People, to speak up and tell these power-crazed maniacs that WE are the people and do not be so condescending as to presume to speak on our behalf!

Let’s get down to the basics. At the risk of sounding condescending myself, let me quote the definition(s) of “Democracy”:

1. Government by the people, exercised either directly or through elected representatives.
2. A political or social unit that has such a government.
3. The common people, considered as the primary source of political power.
4. Majority rule.
5. The principles of social equality and respect for the individual within a community.

So today in Nepal, we have a government not elected by the people. The common people – We – are certainly not the source of political power. There is no majority rule, and social equality and respect for the individual is flaunted by everyone from our autocratic political leaders to the taxi drivers blocking traffic in efforts to create yet another of our infamous “bandhs”. Jana Andolan I of 1990 and Jana Andolan II of 2006 are supposed to have delivered Democracy to the people of Nepal. Yet, here we are towards the end of 2007, living in a country falling apart from chronic shortages of essentials, chronic bickering within the oligarchic Eight Party coalition and now chronic inter-ethnic and inter-religious conflict. This must be a peculiar Nepali version of democracy indeed!

This situation makes one hearken back to Plato’s assertion that a democratic government holds out the promise of equality for all of its citizens but delivers only the anarchy of an unruly mob, each of whose members is interested only in the pursuit of private interests. This 5th century Greek gadfly further postulated that a democratic person is someone who is utterly controlled by desires, acknowledging no bounds of taste or virtue in the perpetual effort to achieve the momentary satisfaction that pleasure provides. Does this remind us of anyone in the current political landscape? It reminds me of a lot of people.

We do not live in a democracy in present-day Nepal. Let us not fool ourselves. Our voice has been silenced by intimidation and political trickery. It has been taken away from us for others to use as they please. No one speaks for the People of Nepal today. We are the Silent Majority (yes that term again) who must remain silent no more. Let us speak up for our individual rights as Nepalis who deserve and want to work for a better future. Let them not hang over us the mirage of a “New Nepal”. Nothing is new, only the honeyed words of irresponsible politicians seeking to waylay us while they pursue their dreams of power and grandeur. Their dreams are not our dreams. They must be made to realize this.

The new National Anthem speaks of 100 flowers in one garland signifying Nepal and Nepalis. Some of those flowers are more wilted than others. Sixty percent of those flowers are unable to produce enough food to meet basic needs. Fifty percent of those flowers are illiterate. One can produce many more statistics on these flowers; suffice it to say that we are a poor country with serious development problems. Further, those who need it most have the weakest voice. These voices cannot be forced to rise at the barrel of a gun or by baseless demagoguery. They are also the People. They have been fooled for long enough.

This commentator makes no apology for the angry tone of this piece. We are known as a peace-loving people. We tend to accept authority with almost closed eyes. But let us not forget that we also have a martial tradition. Our country was created by the blood of our ancestors. The fighting prowess of Nepalis in the two World Wars and in the Gurkha regiments of India and U.K. is stuff of legends. To fight for our right, to make our voice heard, is not an option anymore. It is the duty of We, the People.

Related Posts:

What is to be Done?
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/08/what-is-to-be-done.html

Nepal's Constituent Assembly Elections - It's not Just a Matter of Security
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/08/nepals-constituent-assembly-elections.html

Social Capital, Law and Democracy
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What has UNMIN Accomplished in Nepal?

(Courtesy: el Zorro)

Nepal has remained in an environment of heightened political crisis since long before peace process started. So UNMIN's exasperation at the Maoists' departure from the interim government is completely uncalled for. Through its unwillingness to communicate the result of fact finding missions, its non-transparent procedures in dealing with Maoist combatants, and it's openly partial preference towards the Maoists, UNMIN has been a key catalyst of successive political crises since the initiation of Nepal's peace process.

Aside from OHCHR reports, press releases and a nifty map that records Maoist violations of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, UNMIN has absolutely nothing to show for itself. UN Officials fly in and out of Kathmandu and lay praise on the achievements of the Nepali people, the preparations for CA elections, etc. Meanwhile, ordinary Nepalis are busy digging themselves out of the radical rhetoric that brought them to this juncture. They are left wondering whether the sole mandate of the interim government (holding CA elections), will ever be fulfilled? This is just one example of the glaring mismatch between UNMIN's Nepal and the Nepal that is.

As another example of hypocrisy, UMIN personnel take every opportunity to heap layers of praise on politicians, technocrats, on broken processes and violated principles. They do this because they know who to thank for their jobs. UNMIN also knows that painting a picture of progress and success is essential to their longevity and so despite a reality that is increasingly out of hand, UNMIN clings to its practice of grossly skewing reality.

However, reality can only be escaped for so long and UNMIN's day of reckoning is fast approaching. When that day arrives, the whole world will realize what a scam of an arms monitoring process UNMIN ran (is running) in Nepal. Maoist weapons have been documented but details are not available to the public. Very black and white, combatant qualification criteria have been systematically violated and UNMIN's reaction has been to accept verification on the Maoists' terms.

On the human rights front, OHCHR published a lengthy report outlining violations of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement by the Young Communists League (YCL). They handed a copy of this report to the Maoist leadership whose response was that a biased focus on a "few" misdeeds of the YCL is unfair. The pages of the report could just as well have been used as toilet paper by the Maoists' because right after the OHCHR report was released, the YCL went on a rampage, denying other political parties their right to campaign and in several instances, physically assaulting District Administration Officers.

On the cantonment monitoring front, UNMIN is responsible for ensuring that Maoist combatants remain within their designated cantonments. Instead, one finds clear articulation of the fact that Maoist combatants frequently rotate in and out of cantonment sites (to serve as part of the YCL), within reports that UNMIN itself has authored. The duplicitous nature of UNMIN's activities are for lack of a better term, appalling.

So what exactly motivates young, blue-eyed, idealists to serve within the hypocrisy that UNMIN has become? Well, for one, UNMIN is synonymous with employment for many educated Nepalis and offers secondary benefits to the Civil Society jokers in Nepal.

But more to the point, UNMIN pays well. Exceptionally well. Nowhere in the private or public sectors (anywhere in the world) can a candidate, fresh out of graduate school, expect a whopping salary of $350 a day. This translates to about $10,000 dollars a month and for those familiar with the concept of taxation, UNMIN's salaries are often tax exempt. For a 26 year old graduate in "conflict resolution," life couldn't get any better. This is when idealism goes out the door, morals become temporarily irrelevant and ethics turn into an annoying class, taken while in school.

It is assuring to hear UNMIN voicing its concerns at the Maoists' departure from government. But the question is, what has UNMIN done all along to moderate the Maoists' radical line, to ensure that they abide by their commitments to the Nepali people? Nothing. Not a damn thing. To the contrary, what UNMIN has done is provide the Maoists international legitimacy and additional fuel to set the expectations of Maoists cadres far beyond the achievable.

Mandate is one thing but moral, ethical responsibility is another. UNMIN's sole reliance on the former comes at the negligence of the latter. This has been a consistent theme not only with UNMIN but with UN peace keeping (peace making) missions all over the world. What is being witnessed in Nepal is another UN fiasco in the making.

The Maoists' have continually violated the Comprehensive Peace Agreement without repercussion. They have used Ian Martin and his lackeys to forward their international agenda while continuing with business as usual on the domestic front. With CA elections in plain sight and the prospect of an embarrassing defeat at the polls evident, the Maoists have demanded 35 seats in the constituent assembly. This is what all the present posturing is about.

But the grounds upon which the Maoists' should even contemplate such a large number of seats is baffling. Their claim to ethnic representation has been shattered. Their presence in government has been extremely disruptive for the media, for development projects and for the donor assisted programs in general. Yet, with the assistance of organizations like UNMIN, the Maoists do not even get a slap on the wrist for their continued political manipulation.

It is a fact that Ian Martin is dead scared of Baburam Bhattarai's threat to send UNMIN packing. For better or for worse, the Maoists' are the only ones in Nepal who seem to understand how the UN works and having issued two utterances in the media (clarification for Ian Martin that UNMIN is in Nepal at the Maoists' behest), Ian and his cohorts have been completely incapacitated.

The solution however, is not to force UNMIN to pull out of Nepal. It is to force UNMIN to recognize that it has a firm commitment to the Nepali people and that it is a huge stake holder in Nepal's peace process. Ian Martin and his crew need to man up, stop making excuses on behalf of the Maoists, and they need to spell out clearly that the Maoists' are in complete violation of the CPA and the Arms and Arms Monitoring treaty. They need to do this to galvanize international support to force the Maoists to participate in CA elections.

The excuse of UNMIN inculcating Maoist moderates is growing old. They have been doing this all along and look where it has gotten Nepal? Back to no where. Ian Martin had best stop appeasing the Maoists and focus on carrying out his organization's mandate, strictly, and without exception. Otherwise, UNMIN is doomed to become another notch on the UN's belt of failure and the Nepali people doomed to suffer the consequences of having relied so heavily on the UN.

Related Posts:

UNMIN's "Consulting" Mentality Not Conducive to Nepal's "Stakeholder" Needs
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/07/unmins-consulting-mentality-not.html

UNMIN's July 16 Press Release and Subsequent Q&A Disaster
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/07/unmins-july-16-press-release-and.html

The UN's (UNMIN) Involvement in Nepal's Peace Process: A turning point or another fiasco in the making?
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/07/uns-unmin-involvement-in-nepals-peace.html

UNMIN's Arms Verification Process in Nepal - More Timely Information and Transparency Needed
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/07/unmin-in-over-its-head-in-nepal-arms.html

UNMIN Clarifies its Role but Just in Time to be Humiliated by the Maoists
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/06/unmin-clarifies-its-role-but-just-in.html

UN Fast Losing Credibility in Nepal
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/03/un-fast-losing-credibility-in-nepal.html

The UN and Maoist Arms Controversy: Overkill or Negligence?
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/02/un-and-maoist-arms-controversy-overkill.html

Discrepancies in Maoist Weapons Inventoried by UNMIN – Do the Math
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/02/discrepancies-in-maoist-weapons.html

Summary of Declared (by State) vs. Inventoried (by UNMIN), Weapon Counts
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/02/symmary-of-declared-by-state-vs.html

Deepened Crisis in Nepal

(Courtesy: Prakash Gnyawali)

Peace and democratization process of Nepal has come to a critical mode by the quit of CPN (Maoist) from the interim government on 18 September 2007. Questions surrounding the proposed elections to Constituent Assembly and the success of peace process has been turmoil after this move of the Maoists. It has caused a state of confusion and misunderstanding among the major political stakeholders in Nepal's peace process and democratic governance.

Couple of weeks ago the Maoist Supremo Prachanda had lauded that the CA elections are not possible in November this year and proposed it for May-June next year. That news covered the country with an extensive reaction from civil society and political parties. The very next day, the scenario reversed. Then came the same leader with a piece of paper of statement and told in that he was misinterpreted by the media.

After a few days of such controversy, Maoists presented 22-point demands to the government and now vowing that these are the basic criteria to determine the fate of the elections in November. That demands led them to depart from the government.

People have hope that these demands do not repeat the history of 40-point demands of 1995-96 which had led to an armed conflict triggering the country with deep devastations. It is to be noted here that the capacity to holding fire until the set deadline for meeting the demands was not maintained by the Maoists in 1996. They had waged war earlier the ultimatum given to the government.

Current political dialogue has also come to a critical mode where the overall peace process and elections to the CA in November have become uncertain.

Strategically, Maoists' fear of having fewer seats in the CA if they go for that in November is a key challenge. This is a major reason why they departed from the government. More serious is that they are loosing their political credibility, which was gained after a 12-point understanding with the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) in November 2005 when the SPA was launching movement against an autocratic regime of the king. Fear of end of the overall peace process is looming with the latest political subversion.

It is worthy to note that the blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy while discussing about irony of uncertainty of the CA elections in our country. It is for around six decades that the agenda of CA has been coming into the political surpass but with hard times to make it happen. So the demands are that always entangle in a cloud of internal pondering of the political forces.

Now the time has come when the Maoists' arguments are mudding in a black lake that has created the irony of elections as well as peace in the country.

We could question to the Maoists in reference to its double-standards on various political agenda. It was in the government for more than five months. During this time it proposed elections for November when that was not possible in June. Again, the Maoists caused an amendment in the Interim Constitution to have a provision that the parliament can oust the king whenever it thinks that the king is doing wrong. Now the parliament can do that if the king tries to come to the political activism.

The CA election is the most appropriate to overthrow the monarchy so that there will be people's consent to do so. Otherwise, there will be a question of legacy if the parliament abruptly does it. Since there is no any such issue that the parliament can bring to the agenda of having the king being involved against democracy openly. At this situation, Maoist's departure from the government has reflected their immaturity in politics.

There was a formal end to the decade-long armed conflict between the state and the Maoists in November last year. We are not that far to commemorate one year of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) but how do we recall it is a matter of concern.

Trying to have a civilian perspective on the implementation of the CPA and commitments of all the actors, mainly the government, seven political parties and the Maoists and their whole structures is the area that has to be looked in. Where do we find ourselves if the Maoists do not come up with a clear political decision to make sure that the elections happen on the set time since the Maoists have quit the government already.

It is a culture in Nepal that the political parties do not stand on their stand for long. Quite often, they loose their points, jump to an uneven agenda and come to fore by having stressful moves.

Peaceful means to establish a sustainable and just peace are the best options that can be possible mainly by negotiation. We dare to negotiate but escape from standing on our own valid points. Otherwise, Maoists could have not come to the street again. Rather they could have pushed their agenda being in the government.

There could have a broader consensus in setting political restructuring before the CA and ensuring people's participation in all the processes. Now, these agenda have to be fuelled with the activities of political parties and civil society at the ground. Otherwise there will be a gap even in the agenda themselves that the political parties are discussing about at the centre and at the margin.

There is a culture of protesting everything in our cities. We protest for the shake of protest many times. So is the Maoists behaviour. The political instability created by Maoists this time seems to be a matter of benefit for the regressive forces, in particular the monarchy. Sometimes blood doesn't listen to mind and can call any action that is done as a result of blood not a mind. Where the space for heart surrounded by nerves of the blood is, has always been a question. When will we start making our minds active and legs and hands disciplined? That is what we all anticipate. The day of CA elections and sustainable peace having truth, justice and reconciliation at the core are the answers at a larger extent that could test our principles, decisions and public statements on the one hand, and our behaviour on the other.

How long we try to put ourselves in the iron cave of uncertainty? It is urgent for all concerned stakeholders to realize that we have to go miles before we sleep. Honest political determination could encourage us to keep the promises.

(The writer is a human rights defender and can be reached at pgnyawali@yahoo.com)

Related Posts:

April's Sizzle and February's Chill in Kathmandu
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Nepali Political Sorcery: Secularism's Ritual Kingship and Communism's Bourgeois Democracy
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Peace or Appease Process?
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Thank You Daniela - But Nepal is Already on "Plan B
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Debunking the Democratic Dogma

(Courtesy: Chiran Jung Thapa )

In the past sixteen months, Loktantra, democracy, freedom, civil liberties and human rights have become the perhaps the most hackneyed terms in the Nepali lexicon. For, in the aftermath of the April uprising, the victors that took reign of power have jockeyed with these terms as if they owned and embodied these norms. Besides, even the pliant populace was seduced by an intoxicating whiff of democracy. Now, however, there is an increasing realization that such lofty democratic vocation was simply a pretentious ploy to seize state power. In essence, the notion of a democratic setting for the polity has been confined solely to an ideal.

The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) has recently charted a new democracy Index. Using 60 indicators across five broad categories, the index provides a snapshot of the current state of democracy in 165 independent states and two territories. The categories it delves into to provide the gradation are: free elections, civil liberties, functioning government, political participation and political culture. As a result of the assessment, the countries are compartmentalized into four categories: full democracies, flawed democracies, hybrid regimes and authoritarian regimes.

With a blaring stamp of authoritarianism, Nepal secured the 125th seat. Such authoritarian label will certainly come as a shocking revelation for many as it invalidates all democratic ballyhoos. It may sound even more outlandish but dictatorial states like Pakistan, Egypt, Jordan and even Cuba fared better than Nepal in the democratic ranking.

Similar to the democratic index published by the EIU, Freedom House (FH) - a Washington based think tank, releases a freedom index every year too. Prior to EIU's index, the freedom index was reckoned to be the best-known measure of democracy.

The FH survey is categorized into two broad categories and those categories are further subdivided into subcategories. The two categories are: political rights and civil liberties. Political rights category is further divided into electoral process, political pluralism and participation, and functioning of government. Civil liberties category is further sub-divided into freedom and expression of belief, associational and organizational rights, rule of law, and personal autonomy and individual rights. After assessing all these components, countries are categorized into three slots: Free (F), partially free (PF), and not free (NF).

According to FH appraisal, Nepal's grade for 2007 is "partially free". Quite comparable to the EIU's assessment, approximately 130 countries ranked better than Nepal. Nepal's democratic report has for the most part remained a steady "partially free" since FH began releasing its assessment in 1973. From 1973 to 1978 it was rated "not free." Then from 1978 to 1991, it was rated "PF." From 1992 to 1993, however, it was rated as "free." Since 1993, however, the status was relegated back to "PF" and has remained the same with the exception of 2006 when it was ranked "NF."

So is Nepal a democratic polity or are these international assessments erroneous? Is Nepal's current political landscape no different than the Panchayat era? These questions certainly evoke bewilderment given the persistent claims by the transitional governing authority (TGA) about its democratic accreditation.

But in truth, these two international assessments are more precise than the mulish democratic declarations and convictions touted by the ruling alliance. And in sharp contradiction to the glorified embodiment of democracy and liberality, Nepal has yet to acquire a governance system that meets the bare minimum of the democratic appellation.

What actually constitutes a truly democratic system is perpetually debatable. But, despite the divergent assertions, most agree on certain procedures, rules and arrangements that are required for democracy to endure. At minimum, the basic feature of a democratic system includes a government that is based on majority rule and the consent of the governed. Further, it also includes representation through free and fair elections, the protection of minorities and accountability of elected representatives in the public realm by citizens. Democracy also predicates equality before the law.

Given these minimum imperatives, it is apparent why the leading international assessments have branded Nepal as undemocratic. Primarily, the governing authority is not an elected body and has yet to receive the legitimate consent of the governed through free and fair elections. Additionally, Nepal has not had elections for almost a decade. And now, given that the Maoists are hell-bent on preventing the elections from taking place, the prospect of conducting one anytime soon is flitting away.

When it comes to the accountability in the public realm, there is not a jot or title of it. Trumped up fiats are being foisted in the name of popular mandate. Perhaps what accurately illustrates the lack of accountability is the decision to expunge the Hindu identity without the consent of populace. Above 80% of the Nepali population are devout Hindus. And the street mandate acquired from the April uprising did in no way demand the abolition of Hindu identity. Yet, such an important decision was made unilaterally with utter disregard for the consent of the governed.

The messy law and order situation also erodes any semblance of democratic merit. Protection of individual rights and freedom is the most fundamental norm of any democratic system. However, the protection of rights of minorities aside, the overall rights and freedom of the entire population remains unprotected. In such circumstances, to herald a system as democratic despite flagrant absence of a protection mechanism is simply hogwash.

Another oddity that is especially salient is the cult-like culture prevalent within the political parties. Although the political parties constantly trumpet themselves as champions of democratic norms and ideals, their actions portray a completely different picture. The political parties in the current ruling alliance operate as patronage based cults where power is hoarded by one individual as if it was some heirloom. And to unseat these cult-masters even in a democratic manner has time and again proved impossible. Nepali Congress President - Girija Prasad Koirala, the Maoist Supremo - Pushpa Kamal Dahal, UML General secretary Madav Kumar Nepal, Nepal Workers and Peasant Party Naryan Man Bijukche exemplify the cultish culture.

Given these testaments, to proclaim Nepal as a democratic polity is simply perpetuating a fallacy. By nurturing those with the most undemocratic credentials, and concealing their tyrannical conduct with acquiescence is only prolonging an authentic democratic system from emerging.

Following the successful putsch in April, the rhetoric of "Nepal's return to democracy" had splattered the headlines all over the globe, but the two international assessments have dampened that notion. What has truly transpired in Nepal is that certain groups of politicians have strove to label their convictions and practices as democratic. But those practices in no way correlate with the sacrosanct democratic ideals. Rather, the mantra of democracy has become a vulgar instrument employed to promote self-interests and preserve the rule of the kleptocratic coteries.

The international community along with the moolah-hungry NGO/INGOs share the complicity in perpetuating the hogwash of Nepali democracy. By assisting a preferable group that is more compliant to their interests, and attaching a democratic accolade, the international community and the NGO/INGO glut have done a colossal disservice to the Nepali polity.

If the international brethren are so keen on facilitating with the foundation of an authentic democratic system, they would have done so by ensuring that elections were held on time. Instead, the disposition to turn a blind eye to the undemocratic practices and even shroud the tyrannical conduct by a providing legitimacy has, in reality, inhibited a democratic system from coming into fruition.

Moreover, the notion that Nepal has returned to democracy is anything but far-fetched. In truth, an oligarchic group of political parties rule Nepal, hitherto with remarkably little scrutiny and without a proper democratic mandate. And there is scant assurance of Nepal climbing up the democratic ladder anytime soon.

Related Posts:

Apples, Oranges and the Maoist Victory in Nepal
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2006/06/apples-oranges-and-maoist-victory-in.html

Continued Manipulation of Nepal’s Political Mainstream
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2006/12/continued-manipulation-of-nepals.html

The "New Nepal" - The Maoist Way or the Highway?
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2006/12/new-nepal-maoist-way-or-highway.html

History, Farce, and Tragedy in Nepal
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/02/history-farce-and-tragedy-in-nepal.html

Messiahs Messages and the Mess in Nepal

(Courtesy: Dr. Shiva Gautam)

The movers and shakers of current political landscape of Nepal are the Maoists, Multi-parties (seven parties signing peace accord with the Maoists), Monarchy, Madhesis and Mitra-Raashtras (foreign friendly countries). Despite all the mess created by this motley of quintuple Ms and other minor meddlers and miscreants, there are signs that Nepal will withstand a political tsunami in making, and when the dust settles down, Nepal will still be Nepal and will not turned into something like Mepal. I still want to bet my life on it.

The enthusiasm of April (2006) uprising following the agreement between seven political parties and the Maoists has all been dissipated. One of the main partners of the uprising, the ‘people’, was completely sidelined and long forgotten.

The mandate of the uprising was for the eight political parties to conduct an election of constituent assembly as soon as possible so that a new constitution for new Nepal could be drafted.

To expect that things will be right overnight is outlandishly foolish. But it does not take too much to see that there is more noise than signals. The major share for the prevailing instability, insecurity and confusion goes to political parties and leaders who are expected to act responsibly than extremists and opportunists.

The political parties and leaders, in an attempt to vengefully do away with the monarchy and the king, have turned themselves into kings and started to behave like ones. You really become one with who you hate or love so much. Similarly, the habitual blaming everything on ‘regressive forces’ is making the political parties themselves one of the regressive forces.
The parties and the leaders saw royal presence on the bank notes, on the signboards, on the letterheads, in the statues, in peoples’ genuine grievances but utterly failed to see it within themselves, in their acts and behaviors.

One of the early signs of the new government’s regal act was its granting of secularism in response a protest by few dozen protesters. Why could it just not say to the protesters that it is not an elected government, it has no mandate to decide on sensitive issues and all these will be settled after CA elections and so on. This ensued other demands and their hallow fulfillment by a government that was not elected.

Perhaps the smartest thing following the uprising was opting for the reinstatement of the defunct parliament instead of few other suggested alternatives. It gave a great a sense of continuity and perhaps established precedence. Unfortunately, the same acumen failed to prevail while adopting a new interim constitution.

The reinstated parliament, after amending objectionable clauses, should have considered the existing constitution as the interim constitution. Such a suggestion by different quarters was completely ignored and an ad hoc interim constitution was adopted instead.

Ad hoc-ism is the sign of a royal government, not of a democratic government. The present interim constitution, according to some legal experts, resembles a document signed by two warring factions than a constitution and makes a mockery of all democratic constitutions of the world.

The interim government went even further than the royal government in some instances. In the height of April uprising, the royal government often used to release arrested people by the next day. In democratic society citizens should be allowed to protest in peaceful and non-violent manner. But the interim democratic government not only arrested peacefully demonstrating Madheshis who burnt a page of the interim constitution, but also did not release the arrested immediately. This served as the spark for the Madheshi uprising.

Difference of opinion and conflict are human instincts. In the olden days the tip of a sword settled conflicts. But to satiate this innate human characteristic, modern humanity has invented non-violent means like discussions, debates, negotiations and even competitive games.
Did the government and parties tried to convey that it is the people who have to negotiate among themselves through the constituent assembly? Did the interim government have the legitimacy to engage in separate secret negotiations with various groups?

All these questions are perhaps too late to ask. Hopefully, wisdom will prevail in the future.

Related Posts:

After a Year of "Loktantra" - Is it finally time for a Democratic Alliance?
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/04/after-year-of-loktantra-is-it-finally.html

Nepal's Struggle with Feudalism and Fatalism - Moriarty, Martin and Manmohan as "Gods"
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/05/nepals-struggle-with-feudalism-and.html

Thank You Daniela - But Nepal is Already on "Plan B"
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/05/thank-you-daniela-but-nepal-is-already.html

Life is Good When You Are a Nepali Intellectual Elite
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/06/life-is-good-when-you-are-nepali.html

Re-evaluating the Maoist Playbook

Below is a compliation of previoulsy posted writings on what the Maoists have done (and continue to do) in Nepal. Readers are welcome to draw their own conclusions on whether Nepal is suddenly in crisis because the Maoists have left the government or whether Nepal has consistently been in crisis, all along.

Paradigm Shift - Where Does Nepal Stand?
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2006/05/paradigm-shift-where-does-nepal-stand.html

EXPLAINING MAOIST STRATEGY: GATSBY COMES TO NEPAL
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2006/06/explaining-maoist-strategy-gatsby.html

Maoists Work to Hold the Strategic Initiative
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2006/09/maoists-work-to-hold-strategic.html

An Exclusive Interview with Dr. Thomas A. Marks
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2006/09/exclusive-interview-with-dr-thomas_16.html

PEACE IN OUR TIME: Munich in the Himalayas
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2006/11/peace-in-our-time-munich-in-himalayas.html

The Idiot’s Guide to the Maoist Playbook
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/01/idiots-guide-to-maoist-playbook.html

BACK TO THE FUTURE: THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL (MAOIST) - Part 1 of 5
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/06/back-to-future-communist-party-of-nepal.html

BACK TO THE FUTURE: THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL (MAOIST) - Part 2 of 5http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/06/back-to-future-communist-party-of-nepal_03.html

BACK TO THE FUTURE: THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL (MAOIST) - Part 5 of 5
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/06/back-to-future-communist-party-of-nepal_1369.html

BACK TO THE FUTURE: THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL (MAOIST) - Part 4 of 5
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/06/communist-party-of-nepal-maoist-part-4.html

BACK TO THE FUTURE: THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL (MAOIST) - Part 3 of 5
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/06/back-to-future-communist-party-of-nepal_953.html

No Impunity for Civil Society Leaders: Nepalis are watching….

(Courtesy: Nacho Libre)

Whenever the question of the 12 Point Appeasement (agreement) arises, Maoist apologists quickly default to the following response: "Military victory was never an option so what else could have been done?" Although a reasonable explanation for when King Gyanendra was flaunting his divinity, alternative, more measured options (other than appeasement) are now available to deal with the Maoists. Having experienced 18 months of the Maoists flexing their "armed" muscles (and circumventing previously made commitments), Nepalis are ready for changed tactics. Whether Nepali Civil Society is prepared to heed this call is the million dollar question.

Unfortunately, even in full view of continued atrocities committed by the Maoists, an OHCHR report outlining systematic abuses by the YCL, numerous documented instances of Maoists' undermining others' right to free assembly, free speech, etc, Nepal's Civil Society has demonstrated a pattern of continuing to fuel Maoist aggression at the expense of lasting peace, stability and an achievable, functional democracy. No indication of a shift in strategy (to match Maoist maliciousness) has emerged. Nepali Civil Society continues to toe the Maoist line, unperturbed by even the most explicit confirmations that the Maoists do not intend to participate in the upcoming CA elections.

It is increasingly clear that the most vocal of Nepali Civil Society activists are those who are driven by hatred over compromise, manipulation over morals and hidden personal agendas over the sovereignty and integrity of the Nepali state. Examples include an activist who insists on fluorescent yellow clothing as a mark of distinction (himself the owner of hundreds of bigas of recently "confiscated" land in the Terai), a failed politician whose only chance at practicing politics again is through Maoist appointment, and a media mogul whose mission in life is to get even with a handful of retired Army officers and a spent king.

In a nutshell, this is the current state of the "heaviest hitters" of Nepal's self-acclaimed Civil Society. They are too proud to admit they were wrong and too vested in (and scared of ) their own fantastical peace process to dare criticize the fallacies of their Frankenstein invention. They are far too politically motivated (vengeful) to exercise any meaningful degree of moral rectitude and far too dependent on aid/grant monies to independently criticize the shortcomings of UNMIN's mandate.

As a result, in the place of the role of impartial observers (who should be equally critical of any and all deviations from human rights, rule of law and democratic standards) that Nepal's Civil Society should be playing, lies a hollow chasm.

Eight party unity (as evidenced by recent activities) appears to be the ONLY guiding principle behind Nepal's Civil Society movement. Never mind that the Maoists' are in material violation of nearly every covenant outlined in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (and the Armies and Arms Monitoring Agreement), all Nepali Civil Society appears capable of ensuring is that the Maoists' get what they want, irrespective of how they go about fulfilling their agendas.

This form of nonchalance was characteristic of the Kathmandu elite during the entire insurgency period and so it makes sense that a representative sample (of the same elite) would demonstrate today, the same apathy towards the Maoists' that the larger population demonstrated all along. A Civil Society movement that should represent the sentiments of the larger population of Nepali citizens (irrespective of political affiliations) has ended up representing only what it cares for - being proven right, being able to demonstrate that the Maoists can be mainstreamed and being able to exact revenge on Gyanendra for the king's arrogance. All this of course, with an internationally supplied "peace dividend" that accrues primarily to fresh Masters graduates (at UNMIN's rate of $300/day) and various NGOs/INGOs that include any combination of the terms "peace," "reconciliation," "equality" or "inclusion" in their project proposals.

Again, the driving impetus for Nepal's Civil Society is clearly to "teach the king a lesson" when it should be to "educate the Maoists on democracy." Punishment over reconciliation, and aggression over compromise continue to guide Civil Society action in Nepal. For example, the desire to locate individuals who went "missing" during Nepal's civil war is guided not by motivation to achieve justice, but rather, by a deep seated desire to exact retribution against the Army's top brass. There is no support for the Maoist Victims' Association despite the fact that these people too suffered unspeakable injustices at the hands of the Maoists for 12 long years. Civil Society leaders jump all over the issue of the "disappeared" but there is hardly any mention of those who suffer in our very midst.

Any speak of prosecuting known crimes (beheadings, assassinations, kidnappings, extortion) committed by Maoist cadre under direct orders from the Maoist leadership is considered taboo because it "jeopardizes the peace process." But is there a scale that measures relative barbarism? Whether disappeared by the armed forces or murdered by the Maoists, is the crime any more or less grave? Is the "truth" intended only to admonish the state's security forces leaving the politicians who commissioned the war untouched? And is "reconciliation" on Maoist terms the price Nepalis are expected to pay for peace? Is this what "mainstreaming the Maoists" boils down to?

The results (or lack thereof) on the ground speak for themselves. There is much talk about preserving fundamental rights - the right to assembly, speech, opinion, etc. But when it comes to ensuring these rights, the selective bias exercised by Nepal's Civil Society is appalling. A crime against humanity is regarded as such only when the perpetrators are non-Maoist.

It was fear-mongering when the King's ministers warned of a loss in Nepal's sovereignty (when calling for municipal elections). But 3 years afterwards, is playing on the fear of the unknown (if CA elections aren't held), suddenly acceptable? If the King's ministers were wrong to leverage fear to do what they did, Civil Society is equally out of line - regardless of what political agenda lies on the table.

Nepal's Civil Society had best get with the program and get with the program fast. The days of touting the April movement as a paragon of the Nepalese peoples' triumph over tyranny is long overplayed. The world has clearly seen exactly how Nepalis perform when faced with a credible challenge in their midst. Nepali Civil Society can either continue beating a "dead (royal) horse" to death or its constituents can start a process of deeper introspection to be followed by measured (but vocal) opposition to Maoist aggression. Beating down the king just because anyone can doesn't make heroes out of Civil Society.

Criticizing whoever, however, and whenever rights are violated, peace is threatened, democracy is brought under duress is where it's at. This is where Nepal's Civil Society and it’s the larger body of affiliated movements (UNMIN, the Carter Center, the International Crisis Group, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, etc.) need to be.

RELATED POSTS:

Ordinary Nepali Realities vs. Extraordinary Nepali Dreams
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/08/ordinary-nepali-realities-vs.html

Nirmal's Hubris - (Nirmal Shah a.k.a King Gyanendra)
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/08/nirmals-hubris-nirmal-shah-aka-king.html

Revisiting Recent Nepali History - A brief Collection of "Inconvenient Truths"
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/07/revisiting-recent-nepali-history-brief.html

The Non-Relevance of Secularism for Nepal

(Courtesy: Roop Joshi)

A few months after the “Jana Andolan II” of April 2006, the Interim Government of Nepal saw it fit to declare the country, a Hindu Kingdom since 1769, a secular state. Along with the stripping of the king’s powers, the negation of the word “royal” from everything from the national army to the national airlines, and the general fever of “loktantra” or even “ganatantra”, this was yet another politically rushed initiative of the EPA (Seven Party Alliance plus Maoists). The advent of democracy in the
so-called New Nepal saw the country, with at least 85 per cent of its population Hindus, become instantaneously secular without a single citizen being solicited for his/her views. That this feat was achieved by an un-elected government is entirely another issue.

Why this undemocratic declaration of a secular state? It was a political tool to appease the “internationals” (various countries, proselytizing groups, INGOs, etc.). Even the Maoists, submerged in doctrinaire Marxism, had dared not pressure this issue knowing full well the feelings of Nepalis. By this treasonous act of appeasement, the interim government compromised the sovereignty of our nation. By bending to the will of foreigners, we became but a pseudo-colony long after the demise of colonialism. While countries like Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Israel maintain state religions, helpless Nepal was pressured to give up its historical culture and religion by a bevy of 21st century proselytizers.

In juxtapose, we are well aware that the current US President’s politics is heavily influenced by the religious right-wing of that country – the same right-wing which has bizarre beliefs such as advocating abstinence as the only solution to teenage pregnancy. The Queen of the United Kingdom is not only the Head of State but also the Head of the Anglican Church. Norway, Iceland, Finland and Denmark all have constitutional links between church and state; yet they provide more freedom of religion than a secular state. For example the Finnish government provides funding for the construction of mosques; and Iceland was among the first countries to legalize abortion. Religion has also proved resilient despite repression. Case in point is Mongolia where religion was suppressed during three decades of Soviet influence and communist government. Nevertheless, Buddhism survived and has flowered again openly since 1990. State religion is certainly not rare even in the 21st century.

Having explored how and why Nepal lost its Hindu identity, let us see what it is that we lost. The term “Hinduism” is actually an aberration: the people from the Indus civilization were originally known as Hindus. The religion they practiced was “Sanatan Dharma” - “Sanatan” meaning from the beginning of the world and “Dharma” meaning the path to real happiness through self-realization. Sanatan Dharma, the oldest religion in the world, advocates spiritual or religious practices that result in the salvation of the soul. It is considered the religion which eternally exists in God, which was revealed by God, which describes the names, forms, virtues and the abodes of God, and which reveals the true path of God. Sanatan Dharma is not a ‘religion’ in the western sense. It is a ‘way of life’, a philosophy to achieve salvation. Every religion has an ‘apostle’ - except Sanatan Dharma. The teachings of this religion have come through the spiritual meditation of various enlightened Gurus who received revelations from God.

Sanatan Dharma is the most secular of all religions. It does not criticize any other religion. It does not try to convert people of other religions. It provides freedom for all to practice their own religious beliefs. It has not conflicted with any other religion in Nepal. What was the need then to secularize the only Hindu state on earth? The pluralistic nature of this religion further bears testimony to its openness. For example, different members of the same family may worship Shiva, Kali or Krishna, without any conflict whatsoever. It is recognized that there is but one God and communication with God through any avenue is perfectly acceptable.

So in this current time of political fluidity, a euphemism for turmoil, what is to be done regarding the irrelevant designation of Nepal as a secular state? The occasional mass demonstration or convention has not made any dent in the government’s policy. Funding for this cause appears pitifully scarce. Once again, the Silent Majority – in this case at least 85 per cent of the population – remains complacent. With the Constituent Assembly election creeping, albeit doubtfully, in the horizon, it is time for voters to also think about the position of candidates on whether Nepal should revert to a Hindu state or not. Whether that view is extended to the choice of a Hindu kingdom will likely be decided by a referendum. Political theology may apply to the latter issue, but religion need not be constrained by the chains of petty politics.

RELATED POSTS:

New Nepal - A country out of whack?
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/08/new-nepal-country-out-of-whack.html

Bahunists and Bahunism - No Room for feudal elements in the "new Nepal"
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/08/bahunists-and-bahunism-no-room-for.html

Bahunists and Bahunism - A mini-Dissertation on the Caretakers of Nepal's Feudal Tradition
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/03/bahunists-and-bahunism-mini.html

The King, the Populists, the Herders and the Sheep
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/02/king-populists-herders-and-sheep.html

The Pain of Losing a Nation

(Courtesy: Sudheer Sharma)

On the northern corner of West Bengal state of India , there is a hill station-- Kalimpong, which once hosted celebrities from all over the world. The hill town, where most of the settlers are of Nepali origin, no longer retains its old charm. But until a few weeks ago the last prime minister of a country—that has lost its independence—used to live here. Kazi Lhendup Dorji, who died on 28 July this year at the ripe old age of 103, had played a pivotal role in the merger of Sikkim into India .

Dorji is seen as a ‘traitor’ in the contemporary history. He lived, and died, with the same ignominy. “Everybody accuses me of selling the country. Even if it is true, should I alone be blamed?” he asked me, when I met him in Kalimpong in November 1996. But the allegation of ‘betrayal’ towards one’s own motherland was so powerful that Dorji could no more lead an active political life. He spent his solitary life at the ‘Chakung House’ in Kalimpong for several decades. Few people chose to remember Kazi when he passed away nor took pain to recall his life and times.

So much so that the Kazi was ignored even by Delhi . “I went out of my way to ensure the merger of Sikkim into India but after the work was done, the Indians just ignored me,” Kazi told me during an interview for Jana Astha weekly, nearly 11 years ago. “Earlier, I used to be given a ‘Red Carpet’ welcome. Now I have to wait for weeks even to meet second grade leaders.”

When I visited Kalimpong for the second time in 2000, Lhendup’s anger towards Delhi had reached new heights. At one time, he was received warmly by Indian leaders including Jawaharlal Nehru and Mrs Indira Gandhi. But later he became a political actor whose utility had been finished and thrown away into the dustbin.

The origin of crisis

After India got independence in 1947, the Sikkim State Congress, which was established as per the advice of Nehru, launched anti-King movement. Sikkim managed to overcome the crisis then but after Indira Gandhi became Prime Minister of India, the tiny Himalayan kingdom found itself in a crisis from which it could never escape. The anti-King movement, launched by the Sikkim National Congress (SNC) under the leadership of Lhendup Dorji in 1973, led to the demise of a sovereign nation.

India openly supported the movement against King (Chogyal) Palden Thondup Namgyal. The then ADC to the King, Captain Sonam Yongda, claimed that soldiers of Indian Army in civil dress used to take part in the protests. Some of the protesters were brought from Darjeeling and the surrounding areas. The number of Sikkimese who took part in the protest was quite small. But that was enough.

Lhendup’s protest movement depended mainly on Indian financial assistance. The money was made available through Intelligence Bureau (IB). “The people from IB used to visit me twice or thrice a year. An IB agent, Tejpal Sen, used to handover money to me personally,” Dorji had told me in a recorded interview.

In fact, the main actor behind the “ Mission Sikkim ” was India ’s external intelligence agency, RAW (Research and Analysis Wing). Set up in 1968, RAW was able to disintegrate Pakistan (and form Bangladesh ) within three years. The annexation of Sikkim was their other ‘historic’ success. The strategists of RAW didn’t want to repeat a Bhutan in Sikkim . Bhutan managed to acquire the membership of the United Nations in 1968. So, they launched a movement under the leadership of Lhendup, which is described at great length by Ashok Raina in his book Inside

RAW: The Story of India’s Secret Service.

Raina writes that New Delhi had taken the decision to annex Sikkim in 1971, and that the RAW used the next two years to create the right conditions within Sikkim to make that happen. The key here was to use the predominantly-Hindu Sikkimese of Nepali origin who complained of discrimination from the Buddhist king and the elite to rise up. “What we felt then was that the Chogyal was unjust to us,” said CD Rai, editor of Gangtok Times and ex-minister. “We thought it may be better to be Indian than to be oppressed by the king.”

Lhendup—who belonged to the Kazi family—had a historic enmity with Sikkim ’s ruling Chogyals. He said he wanted to pressurise the King through public protests but lamented that the King never came forward for reconciliation.

Under pressure from Delhi , the Sikkimese King was forced to hold tripartite talks with SNC and India . The talks not only curtailed royal powers, it also turned Sikkim into an Indian ‘protectorate.’ In the elections held in 1974, Lhendup’s SNC got overwhelming majority in the parliament. The government and the king saw each other as enemies. Ultimately, the cabinet meeting, on 27th March 1975 , decided to abolish monarchy. The Sikkimese parliament endorsed it and decided to hold a referendum on the future of monarchy. Four days later, the outcome of the poll in 57 stations across the country was: ‘Abolition of the monarchy.’

In an interview, then Agriculture Minister of Sikkim KC Pradhan recalled that the referendum was nothing but a charade. “Indian soldiers rigged the polls by pointing rifles at the hapless voters,” he said. Immediately after the referendum, Kazi Lhendup moved a motion in the parliament proposing that Sikkim be annexed to India . The 32-member parliament, which had 31 members from Lhendup’s SNC—passed the motion without a blink. Needless to say that the entire episode was being orchestrated by India . The then Indian envoy to Sikkim (known as ‘political officer’) BS Das wrote in his book The Sikkim Saga, Sikkim ’s merger was necessary for Indian national interest. And we worked to that end. Maybe if the Chogyal had been smarter, and played his cards better, it wouldn’t have turned out the way it did.”

But Chogyal didn’t play his cards well. When Sikkim was undergoing turmoil, the Chogyal visited Kathmandu in 1974 to attend the coronation ceremony of King Birendra. According to insiders, King Birendra, Chinese deputy premier Chen Li Yan and Pakistan ’s envoy advised Chogyal not to return to Sikkim . “They narrated a ‘master plan’ to save Sikkim from Indian hands but the King didn’t accept,” said Captain Yongda. “It was because the King couldn’t think even in his dreams that India could use force to annex Sikkim .”

A ‘double game’

In fact, India was playing a ‘double game.’ On one hand, it was supporting Lhendup in whatever way possible against the King. On the other hand, it was assuring the king that monarchy would survive in Sikkim . The Chogyal was also an honorary Major General of the Indian Army. He never thought that his ‘own army’ would act against him. It was only an illusion.

The Chogyal of Sikkim was in his palace on the morning of 6 April 1975 when the roar of army trucks climbing the steep streets of Gangtok brought him running to the window. There were Indian soldiers everywhere, they had surrounded the palace, and short rapid bursts of machine gun fire could be heard. Basanta Kumar Chhetri, a 19-year-old guard at the palace’s main gate, was struck by a bullet and killed—the first casualty of the takeover. The 5,000-strong Indian force didn’t take more than 30 minutes to subdue the palace guards who numbered only 243. By 12:45 pm it was all over, Sikkim ceased to exist as an independent kingdom.

The Chogyal also lost the second opportunity. The Sikkim Guards had the capacity to stop the Indian Army for two hours. If the Chogyal had informed Beijing and Islamabad about the Indian invasion from the transmitter set up at his palace, both the countries had assured him—during the Kathmandu meeting—that they would instruct their security forces to open fire along the borders with India . Chinese army could even travel to Gangtok to rescue the Chogyal.

Captured palace guards, hands raised high, were packed into trucks and taken away, singing: “Dela sil, li gi, gang changka chibso” (May my country keep blooming like a flower). But by then, the Indian tri-colour had replaced the Sikkimese flag at the palace where the 12th king of the Namgyal dynasty was held prisoner. “The Chogyal was a great believer in India . He had huge respect for Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. Not in his wildest dreams did he think India would ever gobble up his kingdom,” recalls Captain Sonam Yongda, the Chogyal’s aide-de-camp. Nehru himself had told journalist Kuldip Nayar in 1960: “Taking a small country like Sikkim by force would be like shooting a fly with a rifle.” Ironically it was Nehru’s daughter Indira Gandhi who cited “national interest” to make Sikkim the 22nd state of the Indian union.

During a meeting, former Chief Minister of Sikkim BB Gurung told me that the King and Lhendup were just fighting a proxy war. “The real battle was between an American and a Belgian lady.” If that was true, the real victor was the third lady—Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

Two Foreign Ladies

Chogyal Palden met the 24-year-old New Yorker, Hope Cook, in Darjeeling in 1963 and married her. For Cook, this was a dream come true: to become the queen of an independent kingdom in Shangri-la. She started taking the message of Sikkimese independence to the youth, and the allegations started flying thick and fast that she was a CIA agent. These were the coldest years of the Cold War, and there was a tendency in India to see a “foreign hand” behind everything so it was not unusual for the American queen to be labelled a CIA agent. However, as Hope Cook’s relations with Delhi deteriorated, so did her marriage with the Chogyal. In 1973, she took her two children and went back to New York . She hasn’t returned to Sikkim since.

Then there was Elisa-Maria, daughter of a Belgian father and German mother who left her Scottish husband in Burma and married Kazi Lhendup Dorji in Delhi in 1957. The two couldn’t have been more different. Elisa-Maria wanted to be Sikkim ’s First Lady, but Hope Cook stood in the way. “She didn’t just want to be the wife of an Indian chief minister; she wanted to be the wife of the prime minister of an independent Sikkim .” With that kind of an ambition, it was not surprising that with annexation, neither Hope Cook nor Elisa-Maria got what they wanted.

Meanwhile, in New Delhi Indira Gandhi was going from strength to strength, and India was flexing its muscles. The 1971 Bangladesh war and the atomic test in 1974 gave Delhi the confidence to take care of Sikkim once and for all. Indira Gandhi was concerned that Sikkim may show independent tendencies and become a UN member like Bhutan did in 1971, and she also didn’t take kindly to the three Himalayan kingdoms, Bhutan, Sikkim and Nepal, getting too cosy with each other.

When the Indian troops moved in there was general jubilation on the streets of Gangtok. It was in fact in faraway Kathmandu that there were reverberations. Beijing expressed grave concern. But in the absence of popular protests against the Indian move, there was only muted reaction at the United Nations in New York . It was only later that there were contrary opinions within India —(Former Indian Prime Minister) Morarji Desai said in 1978 that the merger was a mistake. Even Sikkimese political leaders who fought for the merger said it was a blunder and worked to roll it back. But by then, it was already too late.

Lhendup Dorji became the first chief minister of the Indian state of Sikkim and retained the post until 1979. The Indian government conferred on him ‘Padma Bhusan’ in 2002 and he was also awarded the ‘Sikkim Ratna’ by the state government in 2004.
Despite such “rewards,” Lhendup and his wife Elisa spent their last years in Kalimpong repenting their past deeds. After the death of his wife in 1990, Lhendup was forced to lead a solitary life. He neither had any children nor relatives to take care of him. He cut himself off from his own people to avoid their wrath and hatred.

In the elections held in 1979, Lhendup’s SNC failed to bag even a single seat in the Sikkim ’s legislature. This effectively brought to an end to his political career. At one time, when he had gone to file his nomination, his name was missing from the electoral roll. In his resolve to dethrone the Chogyal dynasty that had 400-year-old history in Sikkim , Lhendup ended up delivering his motherland into the lap of India . In return, all he got was a life haunted from the shadow of the past and an ignominious death.

(This writing was originally posted at www.nepalnews.com and reproducted on NepaliPerspectives with the Author's permission)

A Bed Time Story for Prachanda

(Courtesy: Shakun Sherchand Leslie)

I had a Dream.

I lived in a land of great myths. The myths were as great as the majestic mountains and as deep as the soul which carried them. Gradually the soul lost the power of the myths and everyone walked like hungry ghosts.

My dream turned into a nightmare when the seeds of aspirations were soaked in blood and there were guns floating sans water. Sixteen moons have circumambulated Jaana Andolan II and what we are forced to see through tainted politics is a “pipelined” democracy, eclipsing all our fundamental human rights. Nepal feels like a land, contracted to various ogres casting a spell on Lilliputians.

Prithivi to Prachanda Path: A king was born in Gorkha. Two hundred and thirty nine years ago, he consolidated all the little fiefdoms with the might of his sword and called it Nepal. What his sword could not accomplish, his words humbled the differences of caste and creed with his wise adage of hoping to see Nepal as a garden of, “Char varna, chatish jaat ko fhoolbari” (four castes and thirty six indigenous species). His poetic analogy could not be carried out by the system of Varna (caste-based), which integrated the conquests, subjugating the rights of the indigenous peoples.

In 1854 the Muluki Aian (legal code), legalized the caste based state policies and discriminatory laws, infringing the rights of 74% of the people. Disciplined cultivation of habits and aspirations followed concept ional boundaries, deist religiosity without traditional sensitivity, associated with religious doctrine in establishing “one king, one language, one religion and one culture”; solidifying the rule of caste over the rule of law thus perpetuating disharmony by suppression of cultures, languages and religions.

In 1960, King Mahendra’s Bumisudhar (land reform), imposed forced slavery by mohini hak (by which the land ownership of indigenous groups dropped from 100% to 25% ownership), empowering feudalism to the hilt. B.P. Koirala had the golden opportunity to be the peoples’ voice but his will was sabotaged by the spirit to perpetuate one caste rule. The Panchayati prajatanta (one party democracy), in 1970, thrived on the threshold of the “hazoor” sycophancy and the word for corruption were upgraded from “jaal –paan” (tea- coffee) to “gush” (bribery).

1979 saw the emergence of bahudal- nirdal (multi-party democracy), incorporating the infighting for power politics which entrenched a system that had gradually impoverished a socially handicapped society for a democratic nation. 1990 Jaana Andolan saw stalwart Ganesh Man Sigh, warning the citizens of caste-based supremacy in the name of democracy. Hence forth, Nepalese experienced another 17 years of political musical chair of 15 prime ministers deconstructing democracy and Nepal as a nation state.

The sum of the Nepali discontent, initiated the Maoist guerilla war in early 1996. The so called “people’s war”, a faction of the communist party, ignited the Prachanda path. For name sake, Pushpa Kamal, who was born to a Brahmin womb, called himself Prachanda, the “bright light”. His ideology, a cocktail of Marxism, Maoism and Swissism, intensified by his ego, became the Prachanda path. The desperate and the hopeless walked his path in the hope of land, jobs, rights and dignity. In ten years, he with his hench-man, Babruram, was successful in establishing violence as the prerequisite to power. They piggy-backed genuine social issues and were able to monopolize the grievances of an expanding disgruntled society, that was fast losing its patience with a system that was totally contracted on corruption and unaccountability. Ousting a disadvantaged king and suspending him in mid air in the April of 2006 brought them in close proximity with the “Brahmin brotherhood” of power.

The Prachanda path had helped rethink the social values and politics in a more radical way. The translation of accumulated historical problems, unattended and ignored, was engineered on consistent violence, coerced collection of funds and destruction, diminishing citizen rights to the intimidation of human rights. The Nepalese values of resilience and desire for peace was at the mercy of the “middle universe” (reference, Stephen L. Mikesell), an interdependent support system among caste-based communities between households and the larger society which was terrorized by the Maoists and consequently penetrated by the heavily caste
based state mechanism.

The Janajatis, Madeshis, Dalits and the marginalized groups watched in terror, the 7 parties and UNMIN ushering the Maoist take a cake walk to power. Amidst peace talks there was more bullying in parliament to wrangle the state power in their hands to set up a totalitarian government but the authoritarian rule of GP Koirala had his own vested interests. His senile move was to suspend the king and seduce Prachanda by family alliances and remain an octogenarian PM until death.

Questioning Maoist supremacy was challenging the Brahmin leadership. The peace process became merely a process of contradictions, with UNMIN as a willing referee, who simply could not detect the nuances of the caste games. Issues of demands from the Janajatis and Madeshis became hydra-headed, giving birth to splinter groups of ethnic bases of power- MJF, JTMM, MTG, UTNF-N, JMS.SLS etc. with their own independent thinking, clamoring for power representation.

The 8 parties’ interim government has become a rudderless ship steered by the jiggery pogery leaders, who are lip-syncing the issues of social injustices without any serious analysis. For example, Act 4 under constituency and election procedure, states 1/3 women by proportional representation. An appendix of the same act says 50% woman representation. Are we to be given reservation or representation? According to proportional representation of caste/ ethnic distribution the sum total should add to 100% not 116.2%. How are we the citizens to trust the inconsistencies and who is going to explain to us the reality of double standards?

The story of Angullimalla: While Mr. Dahal is preparing another clever stint of evading the election for reasons he best understands, he is once again misleading the Janajatis and Madeshis to snuggle up with him in the cold war of politics.

One question I would like to address the Prachanda path is; when he went against the grain of supporting the demand for proportional representation by UML, what was his ulterior motive? When he cake carves Nepal into 14 regions, and approves 12 Brahmin leaderships, is it unintentional calculation of caste indifference or a matter of coincidence? What message is he trying to give the Madeshis and Janajatis? The people’s war kills people and not the super structure infested with parasitic bureaucracy. Reorganizing the benefits of what suits him best has helped to establish a war of terror. He hops, skips and jumps issues like a flea, high on rhetoric.

The list of the violence continues to be long in total impunity, mocking human rights to a fig leaf status. Those who planted the bombs on 2 September, killing two girl students and injuring 2 dozens was morally, socially and politically wrong. How can we trust him to go to the booth without the bullets? How can the Janajatis and Madeshis trust that they will not bear the brunt of this power mongering warfare? This election, if it will ever take off, will be a farce in Nepalese history as a battle of ballots and bullets. Voting is an act of participation for a system promised to its citizens. We have not reconciled with the politicians yet.

They need to go to the people, building trust like Angulimala, a Buddhist yogi, who lived in the times of the Buddha, some 3ooo years ago. Angulimala established a reign of terror when he was blamed for sexual misconduct with his Guru Mata (woman teacher). His denial vented in anger and he went on a blind killing spree. He killed hundreds and wore their fingers as a necklace and drove the message of revenge and brutality. When the story reached Buddha and in a discourse with the enlightened soul, the Buddha convinced him, that man had the right to take only what he could return. Since no man can give back life, he does not have the right to kill. He recommended mukti (salvation) for Angulimalla by asking forgiveness to all those homes he had brought sorrow by his senseless destruction. He was sent back by the Buddha repeatedly in humility till the families were willing to forgive him. Forgiveness as Angulimalla realized, was not just an act of repentance but also the bearing of consequences of healing in the right conduct.

Peace: The end product of Himsa, (violence) is more violence. Without the state reassuring the dignity to its people through the ballot, Nepal will be a country of bombs and bullets. Peace has an infinite quality but finite incidents empower the process of balance between peace and justice.

A hybrid model of truth and reconciliation will not solve the problems from within. Till the bodily practices of representations are not corrected, calling Nepal secular is akin to calling Pakistan a military democracy. Abstract ideas are not opposed to embodied practices. When the Jananajatis and

Madeshis demand federalism and proportional representation, they have all experienced the lack of performatives and not constatives. To give virtue to the Nepali nationalism, Nepali citizens want the state to correct the bodily practice to live their respective identities in the pursuit of national identification.

Fragmented as they are in their respective dichotomies of ideologies, one clear voice that rings with clarity is that they will not be objects of individual interests. Their conviction of federalism as a desired state system and proportional representation as the formula to establish the integrations of a pluralistic society with equity for all and a prerequisite for genuine independence is their unstinted demand within the state.

Sum of the Eight Parties:

The differences within the tradition is a blessing and if the political parties are to take a cue, they would be mindful not to only hand-pick their Janajati and Madeshi puppets but the restoration of people’s rights spelled out by the popular will. If only the multi party democracy in 1990 had done the right thing, seventeen years later we would not be in the political cross roads, demanding the same leaders to fulfill the same national requirement of equity. The rule of law cannot be subject to political expediency by the blind application of uniformity to all.

The April uprising in a deeper level was the call to have envoys of various communities who agree to study the idea of forming ethnic/cast wide community by regional integration. The head of the State’s job is being an example of how to avoid representing one caste and to build a team of representation for all castes and ethnicities. He has to be open to create an alternative future from legacy of impunity and terror.

Donor Affliction: The interim government is only a transit lounge to make sure that the Constituent Assembly takes off. Sitting in business class lounge is not going to assure the passengers that the flight is going to take off. Donor afflictions of pouring money in the right power equation are not going to clear off the obstacles. The right evaluation and intervention of international donor agencies, focusing in empowering the right issues will gradually shift gears to a possible democratic Nepal.

Road Ahead: The road ahead is rough with many pot-holes. All Nepalese are caught in issues of identities, politics and survival in a nation state. Ethnic and Madeshi demands are easily misunderstood by misinterpretation. Just the other day, I was touched to hear a Chaudhary explain to a Brahmin that by proportional representation, the Janajatis and Madeshis are not diminishing the rights of the 13% Brahmins but interested in uplifting the rights of the 17% Dalits, empowering them. We need to work our ways by demands and responsibilities. Each Nepali has a stake in this peace process while we face the bullets and the ballots.

Unanswered questions: What bedtime stories should Nepali mothers tell their children while Prachanda’s elusive dreams belittle our lives in a nightmare country?

Is there still a chance for our children to have a future?

Related Posts:

Revisiting Recent Nepali History - A brief Collection of "Inconvenient Truths"
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/07/revisiting-recent-nepali-history-brief.html

Nepal: Decaying nationalism?
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/06/nepal-decaying-nationalism.html

Nepal: Can We Ever Reconcile Our Relative Truths?
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2006/11/nepal-can-we-ever-reconcile-our.html

Rudderless Diplomacy
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2006/11/rudderless-diplomacy.html

Letter to NepaliPerspectives: A Choice-less Election

(Courtesy: Satyajeet Nepali)

Dear NepaliPerspectives:

I am a regular visitor of your blog, and would like to congratulate you for the valuable contribution you're making to represent diverse perspectives of the Nepalese people in these difficult times. After going through the over-worn rhetoric one usually finds in most mainstream papers, it is refreshing to read the invariably honest, pertinent, and well-written views on your blog.

I have one grievance against your site that while it carries articles of the usual length, it doesn't seem to provide space for shorter reactions from its readers such as a "Letter to the Editor" section. Many Nepalese are unable to express their views either because writing a full-length article is a bit of an indimidating task or because they do not have the time for it.

However, it is easier and quicker to write a paragraph or two, which are also hard-hitting. I would like to request you to provide space for such short snippets from your readers too, and am sending one to begin with. I hope you will find some space for it.

Thank you.

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Letter to NepaliPerspectives: A Choice-less Election

Dear NepaliPerspectives,

With the NC’s embracing of a “federal democratic republic” as their objective, a Rubicon has been passed in Nepalese politics. While this clears up the confusion and paves the way for CA elections, it also sounds the death-knell for a truly free and fair election, and thence a just peace in this country.

If the three major parties are all for republic, it is unlikely any other smaller parties will root for any form of monarchy, or that they will be effective even if they do. This means that the CA election is going to be a choice-less election. The Nepalese people will have to vote for a republic out of compulsion. What is this if not a farce? What’s the point of having an election if there is no real choice?

The Nepalese people, the large and silent majority, supported CA election believing that the political candidates would represent our views in the assembly. Now the politicians’ views and agenda are being forced down on us, and we’re being asked to rubber-stamp it.

There is no option now but to have a referendum on the monarchy concurrently with the CA election. If we allow this farcical election to take place as it is, then the politicians will forever rule “new Nepal” in a farcical manner. If one illegitimate and unjust act is allowed to pass, more are bound to follow.

In order to teach the parties, once and for all, that they are here to represent our views, not to force theirs on us; to teach them that we did not fight the king’s authoritarianism to be replaced by theirs; and to teach them that sovereignty in this land belongs truly and only to the people, not to the parties, we have to root for a referendum now to decide the fate of the monarchy. Only then can the people of this proud land claim to be the true sovereigns of this nation.

Otherwise sovereignty will simply pass from the Shahs to a confederation of Bahuns and that’s it.

Satyajeet Nepali
Kathmandu.

Constituent Assembly or Constituent Assembly Elections?

(Courtesy: el Guapo)

What is it about the average Nepali that leads Nepali elites to think they can keep getting away with their poker-faced lies? What exactly is it that has politicians, their civil society minions and their network of media cronies convinced that average Nepalis are infinitely gullible? The drama of elections that elites continue to act out is completely at the expense of Nepal's future. This charade is a damning testimony of the self-promoting, self-aggrandizing and self-preserving schemes that Nepali elites continue to enact in a shameless display of their compromised morals, non-existent ethnics and convictions that waver with every change in political wind.

It’s almost as if the range of politically hollow promises, the skewed realities these assurances created and the resulting frustrations borne by an entire generation of young Nepalis, has taught our politicians and civil society cronies, nothing. For here we are again, at the cusp of another “historic” point turning point, with the politicians, civil society and the Nepali media, feeding Nepalis a load of complete nonsense.

Every Nepali who maintains as their favorite past time, politicking (and this is a considerable portion of the populous), understands that constituent assembly elections are at severe risk of not being held. Instead, it is much more likely that Girija Prasad Koirala has warmed up to the Maoist suggestion that Koirala become Nepal’s first President. So, instead of the promised ELECTED constituent assembly, Nepalis are increasingly likely to receive an EXPANDED parliament with Girija Koirala at its helm. History is about to repeat itself with Koirala placing his personal interests above that of his party, his followers and the Nepali nation at large.

If November 22, 2007 is to remain a hard and fast date for Nepal to have any form of a constituent assembly, an expanded version of the current political framework is the country’s only real option. With the dire security situation across the nation, with the state still coddling the terrorists-turned-politicians (the Maoists), and with the Maoist leadership increasingly unable to “lead” its Frankenstein sister organizations, elections (of any variety) are just not possible.

So why does the Nepali media and its civil society still insist that if it was not for the Royalists and the extreme armed factions in the Terai, that constituent assembly elections would take place without a hitch? Why does a supposedly “impartial” media knowingly de-emphasize the Maoist hand in undermining elections by making excuses on behalf of Baburam and Prachanda? Why do certain distinguished individuals feel the necessity to create the impression that constituent assembly elections will take place (by the stipulated date) when they know fully well the plans their political cohorts have in the making?

The answer is not at all complicated and most Nepalis are informed enough to be in "the know.” Despite the fact that Girija and the Maoist leadership have already shaken hands on the abolition of monarchy (prior to the scheduled polls), on 35 guaranteed seats for the Maoists (in the expanded constituent assembly), and on reserving the presidential post for Girija Koirala, without fully playing out the drama of elections, a constituent assembly that is not voted into office may not be recognized internationally (or in Nepal's case, even regionally). So the song and dance continues.

With a moment's thought on all the moving pieces of instability and the complete picture comes into focus. Think about at whose behest the security situation in Nepal is so poor. Consider what role the Maoists are playing in ensuring that constituent assembly elections are not held. Factor in the calculated effort by the Nepali media and Nepali civil society to hallucinate the public into electoral bliss. Put all these factors together and the overused phrase "hatching conspiracies" takes on a whole new meaning - those who allege that conspiracies are being hatched are truly the ones who are hatching conspiracies to begin with.

Sitaula intentionally fails in his job which allows the Maoist leadership to play out the drama of a possible hardliner faction in its midst, which in turn is just the excuse that the “useful idiots” in the civil society need to rationalize their insistence that the Maoists were ready to embrace the democratic political mainstream. Put all this together and the message that it spells out is loud and clear – Conventional wisdom dictates that the Royalists would not want constituent assembly elections till the situation favors the monarchy but contemporary logic indicates that it is not just the Royalists, but the Maoists and the Bahunist faction of the Nepali Congress that have designs that are very different from the oft referred to "free and fair elections," for Nepal’s future.

What Nepalis need to decide sooner rather than later, is if their “New Nepal” is going to be the “Old Nepal” minus ethnic and caste representation in the “Raj Parishad,” plus a different group of ethnic and caste representatives in an unelected constituent assembly? Nepalis need to decide if what they fought for is the continuity of the same political masters and traditions that plagued Nepal throughout the 1990s or if this time, Nepalis want truly REVOLUTIONARY change? Removal of the monarchy is emblematic but national restructuring should include the abolition of feudal Bahunist domination within the political class, the complete rejection of violence as a political lever and equality for all Nepalis in practice, not just on paper.

Populist rhetoric from the extreme left that is condoned by Nepali civil society and propagated by the Nepali media won't yield elections. The Maoists threatening to drop out of the government (which has an entire set of implications to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the Armies and Arms Monitoring Treaty - implications that no journalist has bothered to explore till now), won't result in elections. Even the subtle threat of unforeseen circumstances should elections not be held (the logic that is termed "politics of fear" in other parts of the world), won't magically result in elections.

The only circumstances under which free and fair democratic elections may be held is when a vibrant media that is unafraid of the Maoists' flourishes in-country; when a civil society that is free of political affiliation functions as part of a system of check and balances; when UNMIN stops negotiating with the Indians and Nepali elites for an extended term in Nepal; and when the Nepali people actually get to practice a system based on universal suffrage instead of just being paid lip service on what it's like to vote.

Till then, plans to announce a republic without allowing people to vote on the issue will remain in motion and the drama of elections will persist. Even when people involved in acting out this drama know that an unelected constituent assembly is what their puppet masters are vying for, they continue to play the part of "useful idiots" as ordinary Nepalis observe in disgust.

RELATED POSTS:

Bahunists and Bahunism - No Room for feudal elements in the "new Nepal"
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/08/bahunists-and-bahunism-no-room-for.html

Girija's Grand Design
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/08/girijas-grand-design.html

State Sovereignty at Stake
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/08/state-sovereignty-at-stake.html

Ordinary Nepali Realities vs. Extraordinary Nepali Dreams
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/08/ordinary-nepali-realities-vs.html

Nepal's Constituent Assembly Elections - It's not Just a Matter of Security
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/08/nepals-constituent-assembly-elections.html