An Open Letter to Fellow, Nepali Compatriots

(Courtesy: Mr. Vijak K. Sigdel)

Dear Friend,

Thank you so much for forwarding your Spotlight interview to me. I read it with great interest. I deeply admire the stand you have taken; I support your beliefs and appreciate your efforts and the sacrifices you have made for our country. I do not take any of these lightly. Rather, I salute you and all who are fighting for the just cause in our battlefield’s frontline. We have a difficult mission at hand in Nepal, but it is not impossible to accomplish. Let us have faith, come up with a prudent policy, and work with confidence.

However, if I were an ordinary Nepali, based on this interview I would be totally confused where you stand politically on the many issues confronting Nepal. Moreover, if I were a foreigner, I would not have gotten a clear picture of the present situation in Nepal. There is no coherent message and clarity of thought here. To begin with, what are the fundamental values and core principles that we are trying to protect and preserve in Nepal? What is the root cause of our problem? Deep down, what is at stake? What are the potential solutions to our difficult situation? How can we best respond? I am not questioning your sincerity, but I must question your judgment. I have no doubt that your heart is at the right place, but I am not sure you have thought everything through.

Let me jump right to the point: For the life of me, I cannot understand how you can justify G.P. Koirala’s appointment as the Prime Minister as being constitutional. He became the PM by leveraging riots, the Maoists’ hired goons, their guns and violence. It was a triumph of might over rights and of mobocracy over democracy. The King was forced to appoint this morally depraved man and reinstate the dissolved Parliament. By any logic or definition, this cannot be defended either as constitutional or as democratic. In reality, it was a death blow to our fledgling democracy.

After grabbing power, Koirala insulted the intelligence of the Nepalese people by installing an appointed Parliament. This assembly of power-mongers, criminals and tribal leaders has drafted a so-called interim constitution which can hardly be described as democratic or legitimate. I do not believe that I need further explain the rest of Koirala’s tamasas and crimes. He is just a ruthless tyrant hiding under a cloak of democracy, who has never been happy without absolute power. Now, he wants to establish his own dynasty. He does not stand for anything except raw power and he is determined to maintain power at any cost. He is our Robert Mugabe. As long as Koirala is in power, he is bound to take Nepal down as Mugabe is doing with Zimbabwe.

Koirala is solely responsible for the destruction of the Nepali Congress (NC). As the latest political landscape stands in Nepal, the NC will never recover from its massive loss in the recent CA polls. It has no chance of regaining the confidence of the majority of the Nepalese people. Nor do I believe that it should be revived, since its soul has been poisoned. Its size shrunk from the premier political party to a small gang of vested-interest groups and crooks. More than anything else, Koirala, the godfather of this gang, is responsible for the demise of democracy in Nepal. Now, if we allow him, he is going to destroy our beloved Nepal in short order. Stopping him – not helping him stay in power – should be our thunderous and straightforward demand. If you would only utter, “Enough of you Koirala, enough!” it would go a long way towards liberating our country. Break the silence and show some sense of outrage, my friend!

The Maoist’s criminal gang could not win the war by turning Nepal into the worst killing field in our history; it could not break our country’s will; it could not defeat our national army. Rather, it won by finding the weakest link – Koirala and company, a small group of power mongers. Koirala was simply thirsting to become the prime minister. The Maoists were looking for something bigger – to capture Nepal. After coming to power with the Maoists’ help, Koirala was busy occupying his much-loved chair and flaunting his ultimate prize. Prachanda and his partners-in-crime wasted no time, and stayed on the offensive with their characteristic violence, threats, intimidations and extortions. To ensure their victory, they relentlessly used their other potent weapons: propaganda, lies and distortions. The NC may cry “foul,” but through ballots the Maoists have achieved what they could never have achieved with bullets. Koirala and his sycophants in the Congress will never accept the responsibility, but with their incompetence and appeasement of the Maoists they handed a landslide electoral victory to the Maoists in Nepal. Now, it is a matter of time that they will hand over the country to them. Why are our people not railing at the injustice being perpetrated? Where is our national response?

You are right to say that, “Nepal is in its weakest point in our history,” but, my friend, you did not go far enough. Nepal is already a failed state on the verge of withering away. How weak must it become before we wake up and do something about it? Today, our country is far worse than what we inherited from the Panchayat System. It gives me no pleasure to say this, but it is a fact in which I’m sure you would agree. I am inclined to say, “Give us the Panchayat System back so that I can fight for democracy.” This is how far we have fallen. What have we become?

When you say, “Present politics is following a pre-planned road map,” I guess you are referring to the 12-Point Agreement reached in Delhi between the so-called Seven-party Alliance and the Maoists criminal gang at the behest of the Indian Government. Shouldn’t we be saying that it was a road-map to disaster? If nothing else, doesn’t the prevailing situation in Nepal prove this point? The 12-Point Agreement was the biggest historical blunder the Nepali Congress ever made. Sorry, I take that back; it was the biggest betrayal of our country in our nation’s history. Koirala, a small mind with an insatiable appetite for power, not only sold his soul; he bartered our national honor, our independence and our vital national interests to Delhi. Consequently, the 12-Point Agreement gave an unprecedented role for the Indian government to meddle in our internal affairs. Coming to power was the only thing that mattered to the NC. Shamefully, any ramifications for the country were never given any serious thought or consideration. Girija did this to grab power, nothing else. Almost everyone in the NC supported him in the hopes of benefiting from the feat.

Besides, Koirala had no shame in shaking hands with the biggest criminals in our history, whose hands were drenched in thousands of our sisters’ and brothers’ blood. Now, we all know that this bogus document was clearly designed not to restore peace and democracy but to weaken our nation state and destroy our oldest institution: the monarchy. The Maoists obtained everything they wanted without giving anything in return: an interim government which they could dominate and a so-called election to a constitutional assembly whose outcome they could control. They did not have to renounce violence and they did not have to give up their deadly weapons. They did not have to abandon their tyrannical ideology; they did not have to change their violent behavior.

In return, the Nepali Congress surrendered our long-and-hard-fought democracy and our democratic Constitution of 1990 to the Maoists. The sacrifices made by our martyrs and heroes were blatantly dishonored. The blood, sweat, and tears of a throng of Nepali men and women were exchanged for power. The founding principles of the Nepali Congress were quickly buried. B. P. Koirala’s, Ganesh Man Singh’s and K. P. Bhattarai’s vision were dismissed as outdated and irrelevant. All this was done with the stroke of a pen to pave an easy path for G.P. to reclaim power. In addition, to further his selfish pursuit, our nation’s sovereignty and nationalism were surrendered to Delhi and our age-old dharma to secularism, which, in practical terms, will give way to Christianity.

The Maoists did not come to Girija. It was Girija who went to India seeking audience with these violent criminals. He coaxed them from their hiding places in India so that they could roam freely and terrorize the people throughout our country. Even when the Maoists were turning back from their pledge of restoring peace in the country and were engaged in all kinds of violent activities in order to consolidate their power, the Nepali Congress turned a blind eye and accepted every proposal the Maoists put forth. The Maoists understood very well that they could easily exploit the Congress’ weakness and Girija’s incompetence. Hence, they dictated every policy and decision in the government and Girija’s gang readily obliged. Peace never returned to the country as promised, but still the Congress turned the same old blind eyes and deaf ears. John F. Kennedy once stated, “The mere absence of war is not peace.” Our present situation in Nepal is a glaring example of that. The Maoists have continued their campaign of terror against the people for the last two years despite the so-called ceasefire.

No Nepali with a conscience is surprised at the outcome of the CA elections. The people simply voted for their lives. Or, rather, they voted out of fear. The Nepali Congress was not there to protect the people or address their concerns. They even did not go to the people to ask for votes. By voting for the Maoists, the people were hoping against hope that their lives could be made safer. After all, what choice did they have? They desperately clamored for order and peace to be restored in the country. Of course, their pleas were disregarded by the Congress. The people were left with no options but to abandon the Congress.

For the last several years, Koirala and his cohorts have been busy vilifying the King while ignoring the Maoists’ appalling violence, killings, destructions of public property and extortions throughout Nepal. In order to cover up or deflect their incompetence and mismanagement of the country, the politicians in the Nepali Congress started blaming the King instead of assuming responsibility themselves. They demonized, insulted and humiliated the King. Unfortunately, they succeeded in convincing many people that it was the big bad King who was responsible for all of our country’s ills. Therefore, I agree with you that the CA elections were orchestrated by a few people, mainly G.P. and the Maoists and their leftist supporters in the Congress, to declare a republic. The election had nothing to do with honoring the will of the people or implementing a democratic process. I agree with you that it was a political decision to rush to remove the Monarchy. Constitutional debates and due process of the law was never under consideration. The outcome was predetermined.

Furthermore, it is not what you said but what you did not say that really concerns me. Sadly, there was no mention of the victims of the Maoists violence and terror, whose wounds will never heal and pain will never go away. Is our country going to forget the thousands of people -- civilians, policemen and soldiers -- who were slaughtered in one of the most horrific crimes in history? What about those hundreds of thousands of people whom the Maoists drove out of their homes and lands? Where is the cry for justice? Is expediency to power more important than justice and principles? Can there be any peace in Nepal without justice? If so, what kind of peace would that be? And, without justice and peace, what kind of democracy are we talking about? Sorry my friend, something is so utterly wrong here that we must start asking: What kind of people are we going to be?

It is also hard for me to believe that you failed to defend the concept of a constitutional monarchy in Nepal. You could, at least, have said that the removal of the monarchy was wrong and the manner in which it was removed was also unjustifiable; it did not meet any constitutional standard and did not express the Nepali people’s will. Why can’t you be as explicit and clear as Kisunji about this monumental issue? If you take the same position, why are you hesitating? I do not think that hiding under the smooth talk of democracy is going to help you, much less assist our country during these times of peril. It is high time we recognize that Nepal is facing an existential challenge and that we must do whatever we can to meet our obligations.

What's more, recovering from the grievous harms already done by Koirala, his gang, the Maoists and the rest of the communists is the monumental task at hand. But, first we must attack and reject the solutions that they are offering to solve the present crisis in Nepal, such as the concept of a federal structure, which is intended to divide our country into several small states based on ethnic and linguistic grounds. We cannot even run a single government; how can we sustain multiple governments? And, where are the money and the resource going to pour from to fund such a costly enterprise? By the same token, how can our country afford a parliament of 601 people? It is a sheer madness. These people simply are busy trying to divide our country rather than tirelessly working for national unity. If we don’t stop these people, they will tear our country apart piece by piece. As it is, our country’s unity has already been shaken. The unity and harmony achieved since Prithivi Narayan Shah unified Nepal into one single entity has already been shattered. It will be a herculean task to recreate and reconnect what has already been divided. We have already lost our individual liberties. We cannot afford to lose our country’s liberty, as well. That is Nepal’s territorial integrity and independence.

Above all, I did not find you, anywhere in this interview, making a case for our country’s quintessential values: Nepal’s independent identity, our right to self-determination, our right to preserve our own way of life, our culture and our age-old dharma. Why can’t we say that made-in-Delhi solutions are unacceptable to the Nepalese people, that we will not tolerate anything that is imposed on us from outside? The nature and character of our democracy is not going to be determined by Jimmy Carter’s signature and approval. We are quite capable of making decision for ourselves. We are the masters of our country. We are quite capable of controlling our own destiny. Our history is a powerful testimonial to that. This generation cannot and will not abandon that responsibility. Our democracy, and our solutions must stem from our own ethos and values. My friend, if we do not speak up, how are the Nepalese people and the rest of the world going to understand the full weight of our predicament?

I am impelled to ask all my friends who are as concerned as I am about our grave situation in Nepal, “If we cannot even fight a war of words, how can we fight a real war?” Make no mistake about it, we are fighting with a brutal enemy that is hell-bent on destroying everything we believe and stand for in Nepal. It is an assault on our very heart and soul. It saddens me to have to say this, but I cannot even think of democracy at this point. Peace and order are the necessary preconditions for the advancement of democracy, and they are completely broken. What is worse, we are in a war of survival for our country. Nothing less than our country’s future is at stake.

The task of rebuilding our country is going to be almost impossible. It will take generations to build institutions, undertake reconstruction, and reinvigorate national confidence. We must begin the efforts now by making our case. First and foremost, we need to start winning the war of words. The real battle will come next. And, we must be prepared for that as well. In the words of John F. Kennedy, “If you want peace, we must be prepared for a war…So long as fanaticism and fear brood over the affairs of men, we must arm to deter others from aggression. Nation’s strength and security are not easily obtained, nor are they quickly and simply explained… There are many kinds of strength and no one kind will suffice.” So far, we are tragically unprepared on every front.

We must unambiguously and unequivocally state our problems, offer our solutions, define our goals and objectives. What I am trying to tell you is that we have to plead our case with our own people as well as with the international community. I strongly believe that we have a silent majority in the country that is desperately waiting for someone to lead them in a different direction, someone who represents their values and aspirations. We must have our people’s support as well as some backing from the international community. We must wage our fight on both of these fronts. So far, we have done neither. To that end, it is vital that we create a public opinion first. Unless we do that, we have no chance of succeeding. Until now, all of us have done a poor job in this regard. What we are doing is complaining or making halfhearted comments and shifting or assigning blame to others. That’s all. Sorry, my friend, making clever or cunning statements or mincing words is not going to help us. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. once said, “Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection… We will have to repent in this generation not only merely for the vitriolic words and actions of the bad people, but for the appalling silence of the good people.”

If nothing else, I hope that we can leave behind the following legacy to future generations: that politics is a noble profession and public service is worth pursuing, that our principles matter, that the means we use is as pure as the end we seek, that honesty and truth can and must be the only policy, that personal integrity is key in gaining public trust, that public service is a sacred obligation. If we are serious about our commitment to our country, we have no choice but to start right here, right now.

Correspondingly, our loyalty to our country must always come first, followed by principles, party and leaders, in that order. We must return to the principles and idealism of the Nepali Congress’ founding fathers if we maintain any hope for the future. B. P. always used to put Nepal in the forefront of his conversation with us by asking: “What about the country?” When he was terminally ill, he returned to Kathmandu from Banaras and found dignity and solace by living in the tiger’s cage of his beloved country rather than rushing to Delhi. He understood our forefathers’ ultimate sacrifices, valor, dignity and honor to keep our country always independent and equal among nations. With gratitude, he carried that profound sense of our rich history and pride in his heart, and his thoughts flowed from reading those powerful lessons of times past. President Thomas Masaryk, upon liberating Czechoslovakia after 300 years of slavery in 1918, told his countrymen, “It is difficult to set up a state; it is even more difficult to keep it going.” Remarkably, B. P. understood this and any decision he made about Nepal emanated from his awesome sense of responsibility and obligation for his country. Today, if one is willing to follow the mandate of his conscience and the wisdom of our forefathers, the mission is very clear for us in Nepal.

In the similar vein of Nobel laureate Jane Adams, B.P. believed, “The lessons of great men are lost unless they reinforce upon our minds the highest demands which we make upon us.” He knew that our forefathers’ valiant struggles to make Nepal a great country would not be fully realized without democracy, freedom, social justice and improving our people’s lives. When he recognized the futility of violence, which proved to be antithetical to democracy, he quickly abandoned the armed struggle he had started to restore democracy in Nepal. In its place, he appealed for a national reconciliation. He understood that democracy required a peaceful and stable society, a society that was opened for a healthy debate and dialogue with mutual respect for each other. It also required compromises in order to make progress. B.P. fathomed that the road to democracy was not an easy one, but we must take that road. To him, saving our nationalism and promoting democratic values were equally important. He was not willing to sacrifice one for the other. He realized that the threat to democracy came from the right as well as from the left. While fighting against the King’s autocracy, he was keenly sensitive to the communisms’ threat to democracy globally and its potential impact in Nepal. He believed in reforming the institution of the Monarchy, not abolishing it. He envisioned the possibility of the monarchy and what it could do for Nepal rather than merely looking at what it was. By the same standard, he also demanded that the people change our attitudes and values in order to create a democratic society. Thus, B.P. set free the spirit of democracy in Nepal.

Like many Nepali, I am devastated and horrified by the senseless nature of Nepal’s crisis. I am even more disturbed by the failure of my fellow patriots to muster an appropriate response. I do not know if we can ever recover from the damage that has already done to our country. At best, it will take generations. In the words of Margaret Thatcher, “… whenever the rule of force as distinct from the rule of law is seen to succeed, the world moves a step closer to anarchy. …Playing for time is not working for a peaceful solution. Wasting time is not willing a peaceful solution. It is simply leaving the aggressor with the fruits of his aggression. …that to appease an aggressor is to invite aggression … on an ever-increasing scale.” I need not remind you that the current reality in Nepal proves Thatcher’s insight.

If they have any decency left, the politicians in the Nepali Congress must take responsibility for the horrendous damage inflicted to our country. Our politicians (I do not think you can call them leaders) are engaged in a deadly power struggle rather than trying to solve our nation’s crisis. No matter who wins, Nepal will be the biggest loser. G. P. wants to cling to power at all costs; the Maoists want to seize power at any price. The international community basically says, “It is not our problem.” In the meantime, our people continue to suffer with no end in sight. And let us not have any illusion: Our neighbors will exploit the present crisis in Nepal to enhance their own national interest. At the same time, the Maoists fanatics are not going to disappear overnight unless we have the courage to eliminate their top brass or bring them to justice for their appalling crimes. Commenting on Hitler’s heinous crimes, Winston Churchill said, “A fanatic is one who can’t change his mind and won’t change the subject.” That is what we have in Nepal. So the challenge for us is simple: Do we have enough wisdom and courage to meet our obligations?

Yours for the cause of our national salvation and peace

The Nepali Congress should Focus on the Party's Reinvention, not on Koirala's Legacy
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/05/nepali-congress-should-focus-on-partys.html

Nepali Congress Lost in Democratic Translation
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/05/nepali-congress-lost-in-democratic.html

All the Right Agendas
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/04/all-right-agendas-nepali-national.html