The Nepali Congress should Focus on the Party's Reinvention, not on Koirala's Legacy

(Courtesy: el Gordo)

As the saying goes, "hope is not a method" and where Nepal's future is concerned, the option of relying exclusively on those who themselves rely on hope, is not a very good option. In a "new Nepal", moderates from all political walks of life need to remain actively engaged - most of all, the "moderate" Maoists.

The Theory of "Moderates" and "Hardliners"

It is the precise theory that NC (Nepali Congress) supporters forwarded after the signing the 12 Point Agreement - that of moderates and hardliners in the Maoist ranks - that today, has to be leveraged by the hopeful and the pragmatic alike. Sadly enough, the proponents of the "moderate Maoist" theory were sufficiently intelligent to construct an arbitrary "center" but not smart enough to recognize the implications of their revised construct on their own party's identity.

Essentially, when radical leftists like Baburam Bhattarai were painted as "moderates," the net effect is that men like Sushil Koirala became rightwing "fascists." Combine changed perceptions such as these with a polity that has historically exhibited strong leftist undercurrents, and the CA election results come into much better focus.

On the topic of perceptions (and the newly nominated "ultra rightwing NC" aside), there are certain considerations that may assist in the institutionalization of multiparty democracy, help resuscitate the old democratic guards, and also help promote the "moderates" within Nepal's Maoist party. If enacted in tandem, these considerations may accelerate the realization of a "new Nepal."

Consideration-1: Relinquish leadership to the Maoists

First among these considerations is that the NC needs to get off its high horse and immediately cede leadership of the interim government to the Maoists. A refusal to do so may aggravate the situation and lead to a revival of unpleasant "memories."

Examples of such foul "memories" include: An NC-led government's issuance of Interpol Red Corner notices; an NC-led government's declaration of Nepali Maoists as terrorists; and Girija Prasad Koirala's resignation under the pretext that the Army refused to follow his orders and fight the Maoists (in Holleri, 2001).

The situation may become even more complicated should the Maoist "hardcore" evoke memories of operations "Romeo" and "Siera-II-Kilo" - both executed under the NC's leadership. Should facts such as these come to light, Maoist "moderates" may not be able to rein in the YCL or even worse, keep the Maoist combatants at bay. The situation may be further exacerbated by Maoist "hardliners" educating their followers on the NC's new position in Nepali politics as the universal lightning rod - a position previously occupied by the far Right (namely, King Gyanendra), with utmost grace and fanfare.

So, in order to avoid these memories from destabilizing the peace process, Girija Prasad Koirala should step aside and the "help" the "moderates" in the Maoist party lead the next government.

Consideration-2: Play a constructive role but stay out of the government

A second consideration is found in the following clarification: "Power sharing" and "consensus" in the context of daily governance and administration is one thing. The same terms applied to the constitution-making process is something entirely different. It is imperative that the NC expend all of its resources on the constitution making process and equally imperative that the NC not join an interim government, whose primary mandate is to write Nepal's constitution anyway!

For the NC as a party, re-making Girija Prasad Koirala's image and guaranteeing his personal legacy should not be a priority. If Koirala is allowed to fully satiate his lust for power, the NC will be stuck with a senile old leader, indefinitely. Koirala's legacy as the man who incited the armed Maoist insurgency may eventually be obscured if he remains in power. However, his legacy as the man who laid the foundation for the NC's destruction will live till eternity.

As a responsible partner in Nepal's peace process, the NC is obligated to help the Maoists run the interim government. The NC should offer unconditional technical and subject mater expertise on the basis of case-by-case consultations. Conversely, as a responsible party at the head of Nepal's government, the Maoists are also obligated to consult with all parties on decisions such as the integration of Maoist combatants, UMIN's reduced role, and basically, on all issues other than those that are debated by the constituent assembly itself.

Neither of the collaborative conditions described above, requires the NC to continue as part of the interim government. This is not to suggest that the NC should threaten the peace process with its non-existent combatants, or a with "peaceful revolt." What is being suggested is that the NC should change with the times and reinvent itself if the party is to remain relevant. Over the immediate future, the NC should fully enjoy the luxuries of being in opposition while participating in the constitution making process, re-imaging the party's image, and preparing for parliamentary elections.

Consideration-3: Get your own house in order before you pass judgment on others

A third consideration is perhaps, the simplest: Many NC leaders (especially the younger generation) are loathe to admit it, but the tyranny and undemocratic patronage they are subjected to, leads not down a path to Narayanhiti Palace, but to Biratnagar, Maharajgung and currently, to the Prime Minister's quarters. If the Nepali Congress is to survive as a going political entity, it must remove Girija Prasad Koirala and cleanse the party of his coterie.

Conclusion

The lessons that Nepal's experience with forced voting (under highly insecure conditions) highlights, are noteworthy. Nepal offers a textbook case study of the reality that principled beliefs are "luxuries" to a population that is preoccupied with the most fundamental of challenges - food, running water, electricity, basic education, etc. Under such conditions, freedom of speech, of movement, of assembly, are "nice to haves" enjoyed by a super elite minority who themselves, find economic sustenance by providing international NGOs and non-profits that much coveted, "feel good" sensation.

If the institutionalization of these "luxuries" is what the super elite minority fought King Gyanendra for, then they had best continue championing their causes because the job is incomplete. Cutting an ambitious monarch down to size at the dawn of 21st century is hardly a feat that deserves endless backslapping. Keeping a country like Nepal focused on the attainment of a liberal democratic polity however, is where the life long challenge lies.

If a truly conviction-driven, apolitical minority desires a fighting chance for liberal democracy in Nepal, then a complete overhaul of the Nepali Congress is a first in a long list of steps to come.

Related Posts:

Election Post-Mortem
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2008/04/election-post-mortem.html