(Courtesy: Rajat Lal Joshi)
Nishchal Basnyat, a Harvard student who bills himself as a co-author of a book on India, and proclaims to have written prolifically on institutionalism in developing countries, recently put out a verbose and woefully written commentary “The Royal Army: An Analytical Obituary” in nepalnews.com.
The writing is so loose, one wonders if Harvard is giving parents their money’s worth these days. In an analysis of this magnitude (an obituary of an institution more than two centuries old), one might expect a more disinterested and scholarly tone.
But instead of insight, sober analysis, and facts, Nishchal chooses to become a petulant provocateur – vacillating from condescension to patronage in the same piece. Preparing us for what is to come, he warns us early in his piece that “it is imperative, therefore, the country look back at its “royal” army impartially.” This is humor at its finest – the unintentional kind.
If his intent is to be impartial, he might have offered us some numbers, perhaps a chart or two, maybe a comparative analysis with other institutions, the prevailing social and historical context during the army’s evolution, specifics on strategy and tactics during counter-insurgencies, and a discussion of other relevant issues.
But like most intellectuals in Nepali society (even those from other Ivy League schools we have seen), he decides to pass on the hard work and relies on words and phrases like “demi-god”, “bourgeoisie sycophants”, “extremist force”, “omni-present phase of indoctrination”, “charlatan aristocrats”, “servility enforced upon subordinates” to make his case.
The first issue (he piles issues within issues and at times difficult to figure out the points) is that the Royal Army remained the most political institution in the country, and was ready to get down on its hands and knees for the King. He also makes us suffer through his own fantasy that the Army was complicit in the Royal Massacre (a speculation that doesn’t deserve a response).
Civil-military relationships are complex affairs even in stable democracies. Prakash Nepali and Phanindra Subba writing in the journal Small Wars and Insurgencies (Volume 16, Number 1, March 2005), offers us this more sober assessment:
“King Mahendra wooed the Army (he also granted it the right to use the prefix “Royal”) while simultaneously emasculating it as a political force. The Military Secretariat, which was established in the Palace in 1954/55, was the principal mechanism by which the King sought to keep the Army under close control. The emergence of key actors…distorted the chain of command and caused resentment within regular army circles.”
Indeed, it was the very lack of the Army’s (although they are not alone here) ability to grasp the political components of the insurgency that hampered its operations.
An often ignored point is that the army has never engaged in political adventurism in its history. There is no record of Caesarian actions by the army in Nepal ’s history. It has always been disinclined to act politically. This is good for the peace process.
Under intense pressure, the Army proved it could do the right thing when it held its fire like it did during 2 Jana-andolans. So the over-the-top assessment that it is the MOST political institution is bogus.
Nishchal’s second observation “the Achilles heel of the Royal Army was that it had always been an ethnically homogenous institution..although there are a few Gurungs, Newars, and Brahmins [their numbers were insignificant] and is in no way a demographic representation of Nepali Society.”
Here is where some numbers might have helped. While the army is by no means a bastion of ethnic representation or egalitarianism, it stacks up very well against comparable Civil institutions according to Nepali and Subba:
“The increasingly representative nature of the officer corps in the army is in stark contrast to the civil bureaucratic structure. In 1999, out of 721 top level (special and first class gazetted officials), 717 (99.45 percent) were still occupied by Brahmins, Chettris, and Newars. In mid-2004, 75 percent of the special class officers (secretaries) in the civil service were Brahmins, 10.4 percent Chettris, and 10.4 percent Newars, and 4.2 percent of Terai origin.”
When one places issues in context and uses numbers to support premises, a concept that has no meaning amongst Nepali intellectuals, Nischal’s notion of a monolithic and homogenous army is not accurate but rings of the rhetoric of an emotional child begging for an i-POD.
The third issue Nischal raises is that of corruption within the Army - a serious pathology that is now prevalent in every aspect of Nepali Society. To this one might add that a great deal of wealth from corruption wasn’t generated under the army but through various institutions in many civilian sectors.
Corruption and mismanagement also has not gutted the army like other institutions like, for example, the Nepal Oil Corporation, Nepal Airlines, and the Customs department.
Nishchal’s fourth lament (plague, he calls it) is about indoctrination. He incoherently notes “From Nazi Germany to American forces, the Nepali Army also went through an unavoidable and omnipresent phase of indoctrination….they were told all politicians were corrupt and Maoists were killers…and children were told of the army’s great sacrifices and awesome heroics of the country.”
Armies are not democracies – even in democracies. The job of learning to kill has always required a separation from civilian society since our tribal ancestors first engaged in combat.
All armies use shared history as motivation. Stalin, finding no equivalent symbols of motivation in Russia at that time, used the name of a famous Russian Royalist commander from the Napleonic wars for the offensive (Operation Bagration) that destroyed a large part of Hitler’s army.
One part of the shared history of the creation of modern-day Nepal are the exploits of the Gorkha Army led by Prithivi Narayan Shah. Elements of the same army also checked Chinese and British imperialism (for better or worse). This is the same Army that fought the Maoists with little empathy from almost every sector of Nepal. They won some and lost some tactical engagements.
Without the efforts of those soldiers from the past, Nepal may never have existed as we now know it. This is a fact that cannot be erased by toppling a few statues.
Fifth, his bleeding heart cries about the maltreatment of the “peepas” and the lower-ranking soldiers of the Army. Here he might note that “peepas”, relatively under-educated (meaning borderline illiterate) with respect to other ranks (other enlisted and officer) also end up going on UN peacekeeping missions, obtain free health care, and receive pensions.
Nishchal might reflect on his sanctimony and ask how servants are treated in the house-holds of progressives like the political parties, the media, the ex-pat community, or his own house? Do servants there get fair market wages? Do they receive pensions? An opportunity to travel? How much physical and sexual abuse occur in those environments?
It should be noted that recruitment drives by the army in Nepal often results in overwhelming demand. 10,000 people show up for to fill 200 slots!
Sixth – he feels qualified to dissect tactical and strategic failures during the insurgency. He might recall that the army routinely “hit” targets in Kathmandu. Valley commanders were captured and any overt action suppressed. The fact that Maoist leaders were captured in India underscores the fact that Maoists could had been operating freely in India.
In the villages, attempts to form civil-defense forces modeled after Peruvian tactics (advocated by counter-insurgency experts) to gain back political space from the Maoists were quickly abandoned after intense pressure from international NGOs who quickly labeled these as “vigilante units.” Of course, the NGOs offered no alternative solutions to fill the security void in villages.
Whenever the army appeared to get the upper hand, moves by the politicians to hold peace talks only served to put the army back and gave time for the Maoists to re-group (also recall the post-peace-talk assassinations of the police chief and army officers in their homes or in civilian environments).
The opportunity for the Army to gain political legitimacy to fight the military battle never materialized – largely due to King Gyanendra’s moves. But it never got any assistance from the national media, international NGOs, and inept politicians also allied themselves either directly or naively with the Maoists even during multi-party rule.
All this gloating has quickly subsided and now faced with a far less benign force than the army and feeling the Maoists tactics up close, Nishchal might ask why the normally shrill bunch of civil society leaders, leftist NGOs, and those directly promising “peace” by bringing the Maoists as partners are so quiet.
Nishchal might also note the irony that the only people who have received “surakshit abataran” so far are the Maoists.
This is not to say there were no tactical and strategic failures or gross incompetence and for any army person to say they “won” is ludicrous but they did stay intact – a force that quietly but effectively prevented the Maoists from achieving their end-game.
All this “analysis” demonstrates is that Nishchal feels his limited knowledge, sense of history, and his educational pedigree qualifies him to write an obituary of the army. If there is an obituary to be written let’s have someone worthy write it – not some under-qualified juvenile from Harvard with mediocre writing skills.
Related Posts:
Revisiting Recent Nepali History - A brief Collection of "Inconvenient Truths"
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/07/revisiting-recent-nepali-history-brief.html
The Utility of a Professional Nepalese Army
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/07/utility-of-professional-nepalese-army.html
Life is Good When You Are a Nepali Intellectual Elite
http://nepaliperspectives.blogspot.com/2007/06/life-is-good-when-you-are-nepali.html
28 comments:
Nischal Ji,
First of all, I would like to commend you on your eloquent narration. After all, its ivy-league education right? But, I personally believe that you wrote this piece to make a "bang impact;" a cheap stunt to grab attention. Rather than that, your writing is simply a vengeful and cynical rant. It is too shallow and does not deserve any academic or logical merit because most of your assertions are unsubstantiated.
You claim - "the army is the "most" polarizing entity in the country" -
This statement is a cheap scathing attack on the integrity of a glorious institution. To come to a conclusion, first you need to start with this question - which time frame has been the most polarizing in the history of Nepal and who is responsible for it? The nation has become acutely polarized only after the April uprising. Regardless of the status quo, people of different castes and creeds lived in a certain harmony before. Look now! Every other ethnic group is forming a militant group and demanding autonomy. Ethnic harmony has been shredded. Political harmony is tearing away. So, who do you think is the "most" polarizing entity?
"The truth, however, is that the army always remained the "most" political institution in the country"
I don't know what your definition of a political institution is but I disagree with your above assertion. The Army till date has remained apolitical. Until today, the Army has operated under the constitution of the country. If you read the 1990 constitution of Nepal, perhaps it will dawn upon you that Army has actually abided to the constitution drafted by the political parties. Also, it still is abiding to the transitional constitution drafted by the current ruling alliance. If abiding to the constitution is what you label as political, then I guess everything is political!
"there survived the pathetic illusion that the army was only a patriotic, non-political organisation that stood to protect the people"
What is patriotic in the first place? And, what does it mean to protect the people? Is there any evidence to suggest that the Army has not protected its people? Given the limited resources, perhaps the service has been inadequate. But, if you assert that Army's patriotism was a pathetic illusion, then furnish us with details as to how it was perfidious. It is very easy to accuse but to provide evidence to substantiate your claims is not an easy as you think, is it?
"The very intimate relationship between the Monarchy and the Royal Army ultimately ended both institutions. The royal army played a key role in ending Nepal’s monarchy"
What a crock of baloney. I don't know what they have you snorting at Harvard, but if you are referring to the Nepal Army and the Nepali Monarchy, they are not done with yet. I don't know what will happen tomorrow, but as of this moment, both institutions exist. Erasing the Royal title does not imply that the institutions are dead. Perhaps, you've been away for too long.
"Soon their admiration from the ordinary sons and daughters of Nepal was also lost"
How do you come to this conclusion? Any data or poll to support this assertion? Well, let me point you to one. Recently a poll was conducted by Kunda Dixit's Nepali Times to find out the Nepali people's outlook of the army. And Dixit certainly does not have high regards for the Army. Surprise! Army's approval rating was close to 80%. Please note that no other political entity has scored so highly in recent times. Perhaps you would argue that the internet poll does not reflect the true sentiments of the "ordinary sons and daughters of Nepal." But, hey, it is a better substantiation than your stab at the dark.
"Nepal Army is an ethnically homogenous institution"
I don't think you have data to back this up do you? Let me provide you with some. Before that, however, let me explain about the structure of the institution. The Army is divided into two distinct categories. Officer corps and Non-officer corps. Officer corps was and still is dominated by Chettris and Thakuris. But only 7.8% of entire number of personnel in the Army falls under the officer corps category However, that is changing very quickly too. But if you were look at the Non-officer corps, it is as diverse as it can get. The composition of the non-officer ranks is as diverse as any other public institution in Nepal.
"there is the absolute military failure of the RNA during the Maoist war. RNA had no intelligence, and even the little they claimed to have, proved to be a complete failure"
Oh boy, back to counter-insurgency 100. If Army was an absolute failure, the Maoists' central command would be in Jungi Adda. Wouldn't it? Since the Maoists were unable to defeat the Army militarily, they were forced to change their strategy. I'm sure you're aware that there only a handful of successful counter-insurgency operations. Certainly Peru's was one of them. However, read the case carefully before making assertions. In Peru, the success in ending the "Shining path" cannot simply be attributed to the military strategy. The military strategy was buttressed by an even more brilliant political strategy that caused the demise of the Shining path.
Where were all the Maoist arms being smuggled in from? Where are the Maoist leaders located? Was India actively helping with the war on Maoism?
This is just a lame argument. You know it all to well as to who was behind it all and where the Maoists were hiding. Did you not catch this part during the baithak conversations between prominent figures/diplomats?
Well, i hope my constructive criticism will help you in your future works. Don't go on a vengeful rant. Even if you do, provide irrefutable evidence to support your assertions. Hope to read more of your works in near future.
My comments to Nischal are -
a. Who was in-charge of the political leadership before the King took over ? What were the powers given by the constitution to the GOV of the DAY concerning the control of RNA ?Had the political leaders been prudent and not selfish would the Maoists have a cause to rise in arms?
b. Any army needs the support of its PEOPLE to be successful in any war. The military is only an instrument among many that the GOV has and all instruments must be used simultaneously with synchronization and precision by the political leadership in power. Was their a national plan ? Or did our political masters expect to be taught by India -their court of appeal - on how to plan ? After all did Mr Basnyat not know that it was India who created and assisted the Maoist insurgency ?
c. It is not the job of the army alone to collect intelligence. What about other organizations that were supposed to collect information ? Did the political leadership of NC rule without accurate intelligence - acted without its ears and eyes ?
d. If the NA has failed and fallen to its knees then why is their a fear of a military coup again. The Maoists would have taken over had the Army failed and this is an accurate assessment made by USA and UK on record.
e. Any army stands as a reflection of its society. The bureaucracy, police, judiciary and the political leadership are all corrupt - more than the NA as per the Transparency International. Remember, the army can misutilize only a portion of the roughly 14% of the Military budget because the rest consists of pay, allowances, ration and maintenance.
f. If the army has lost all admiration how come the people are piling for recruitment ?
g. Remember promotions are always based upon merit and performance and not all inclusiveness. Yes we can be inclusiveness during recruitment now but again it requires minimum required individual standards. Takes you 25 years to make a general. Be patient because its institutional development.Just scrutinize the retired generals surname first.
h. Always the lower ranks suffer more casualties. Do you know how many general s and colonels are casualties in the present Iraqi war ? Do ypou want the generals to lead like scouts ? Probably your individual family may have served in the army for generations but it is clear that you do not know how an army is expected to function.
i. By the way, if you can, please bring some nuclear weapons or at least the technology for Nepal from USA. We will make you the Chief of the Army. Then do as you please but come here to Nepal to display your crediantials and understand the bare realities.
I am SOOO happy this is on the internet! I will pesonally translate this to Nepali and re-post it online.
Enough is enough. Harvard ma padaima yesle afulai k bhanthanya?
Well done Mr. Joshi. Hats off to you!
Fair, balanced, to the point, fact-based, articulate.. everything the boy from Harvard is still learning in school.
Really enjoyed factual arguments and the setting of the record straight.
Mr. Basnyat's sleazy caste-based politics was truly bothering me...
From this point on, let it be known that every group/faction is a serious force to be reckoned with... this includes the chhetris also.
I second and third the sentiments above.
From Nepalnews.com: Basnyat is a student at Harvard University. He is the co-author of ‘India Doctrine’, a book written with eminent author MBI Munshi and is also the senior editor for the Harvard South Asian Journal. He has written prolifically on institutionalism in the developing world, including extensive work with Nobel Prize laureate Grameen Bank. He can be reached at nbasnyat@fas.harvard.edu.)
1.) I looked on amazon.com - no mention of Basnyat as a "co-author"
2.) I looked online at Harvard's SAJ (http://www.harvardsaa.org/saj/about.php) and I don't this Mr. Basnyat listed as "Senior Editor"
3.) I have worked with the Women's World Bank and the Grameen Bank all throughout South Asia and have never heard of Mr. Basnyat - not even as an intern.
Aside from Mr. Basnyat's Harvard e-mail address, is anything else accurate?
I try not to comment often, but this time I feel I must.
Had Mr. Basnyast written this very article, minus the personal accusations (and very personal accounts) and the cate-based arguments, Mr. Joshi would have no room to criticize.
I take Mr. Joshi's writing as the criticism of what was the Royal Army. Mr. Basnyat's writing has a long way to become mature.
It is now appleing to the Bahunist group (whose sentiments about the army Basnyat has voiced) and the children of Basnyat's age who have much learning ahead of them.
Enough, Gentlemen. While agreeing with all the above comments, I'm beginning to feel sorry for Nischal Basnyat. Give the guy a break, guys. He's just a dilligent college student who probably wrote a paper for one of his ivory-tower Harvard courses and decided to publish it in nepalnews.com as an aside (not realizing that he was putting his foot in his mouth).
I feel sorry for this juvenile Harvard kid!
The kid himself is from a privilged class, his father being a diplomat and grandfather a former Army Chief.
His ranting is not subtantiated with any facts or proper analysis with data as in the other article mentioned here.
It seems possible to me that the kid is being used as a pawn by the Indian authors. Realise it kid while you have time!!
Its takes gut to show oneself as a pawn, hare brained and off his rocker.
As for taking cheapshot- Nepal welcomes you. This is the place, the question is for how long as a nation with army???
Let this and future articles be a warning to not fan the flames of caste-based animosity for cheap popularity.
Let this also be a stern warning that the "Chhetri-Thakuri clan" (to which this idiot Basnyast belongs), also has a strong identity, and will refuse to sit by the wayside quietly, any longer.
Should the need arise, we are fully prepared to defend and retaliate as needed.
This is what I had posted earlier on nepalnews... thank you mr. joshi for setting the record straight.
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What a rant!
I suppose it is true that just because someone goes to Harvard, it doesn't mean they are intellignent. Because only an idiot would take a burning platform like reform of the army and boil it down to a caste/class based assault. And after all the ranting, it takes a real fool to suggest that the army should not be criticized.
This article (Basnyat's writing) is politically incorrect and should be taken off this site. The criticisms may be sound, but the ethnic basis upon which the writer presents arguments is repulsive. Further, to drag the name of a renouned institution like Harvard University into a caste-based slur session is unacceptable.
Also, this writer is none other than Nischal Basnyat, the devout Gyane ass kisser, who is now singing a different tune??? There was no lack of servitude on this writer's part, when he was cheering Gyanendra on after February-1. What caused the sudden change of heart? Is the army no longer acceptable to Mr. Basnyat now that he knows for sure that the Palace-Army connection is broken forever? No one is fooled by this flip-flop tactic.
Nischal fits the description of one of his own articles; he is after all, a product of "The Land of Hypocrites" (http://www.nepalnews.com.np/archive/2006/others/guestcolumn/june/guest_columns_jun06_10.php
During a time when there are so many complex issues threatening the peace process in Nepal, this fool goes and writes a full blown critique of the Army, based on every stereotype possible. Such contempt, insensitivity and disregard in a quest for cheap popularity.
Mr. Basnyat would do well to first get his facts straight and second, to refrain from further embarssing Harvard University's name.
Truly pathetic.
More from my original response..
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There is no need for an educated man from a univeristy like Harvard to crawl down to class/caste based slurs to make the points that the army has been traditionally caste biased, that the lower ranks deserve better treatment and that the army needs reform. Everyone understands these points. This writer's cowardly and jaundiced caste based views are a play for name-sake, not analysis. He uses this angle to draw on raw emotions because without his highly divisivse caste-based line, his wiritng is just not grounded in current facts.
It is appropriate to discredit a writer on the basis of what he/she writes. Doing a search on google shows ample evidence of Mr. Basnyat's mindset. I encourage everyone to focus on his writings in support of Gyanendra and the writer's own servile attitude towards the crown. This should be great background to this current piece of caste-based trash.
If Harvard teaches division, hatred and provocation to elevate its students' public images, then Nischal Basnyat must be a model student. Otherwise his poorly researched populist rhetoric is an embarassment to the insitution of Harvard University.
Preying on raw, caste-based emotions is what Nischal Basnyat does. The writer may be sitting smug, thinking he has done a great service but what he has really done is fan the flames of caste-based jealousy and hatred. Basnyat may be trying to balance his own portfolio of pro-royalist / anti-royalist writing. But doing so at the exepnse of an entire institution and every man and woman who serves (has served) this institution is immature, shallow and repulsive.
Basnyat's racist views are now on record forever. Whether in Nepal or abroad, he will live to regret playing the game of personal gratification at the expense of others. Unelss Basnyat plans to make a living out of criticizing the former RNA, every future article this writer publishes will be related back to his polarized class based vision. It is through this divisive lens that Nischal Basnyat will always be viewed.
I heard through a friend who knows Nishcal that the famous Mr. Kul Chandra Gautam wrote a long and complementary response to Basnyat. If the comments are posted in public, can anyone please tell me where?
I would love to take all these high-fi bahunists-in-hiding and expose them for the slimy filth they are.
Any information on this matter would be very appreciated.
The lucid article by Nischal Basnyat is out of context, without historic context. Royal Nepal Army or Nepal Army whatever the name would be makes no difference cause it is still 'a political' institution saving the country. Just forget about India Trained Maoists mercenaries, slowly the people are realizing who really are the Maoists.
Historically the Pandes,Basnyats,Paudayals,Bistas,Kunwars(Rana)and Shahs(hardly any from in the Army from the Shah dinesty, remember all the Shahs are not related to royal family).
Before the outcome of party system who else would be powerful? Read the history of America, who was the first President? A general, a powerful one now we go and visit his lavish houses through-out th US, Jer Sahieb (Genera) ta bahe ne ta President.
The point is that in absense of political parties during the old times in any given country the 'Courtiers' or family or individual in control would be the most powerful so why blame them being powerful?
The Magrats had their own 'rajyas' the Kirats and all the 22 and 24 states 'rajyas' had their own kings so each and every person were 'dictators' of their own control.
Did you think Nischal ji that all the Bsnyat, Bista, Paudel,Pande,Thapa,Kunwar(Rana) were born as a 'king' from heaven? They all were foot shipiees sholdiers before they became the generals so why blame them?
During the Mallas, who were the generals don't you know the famous Newar families the 'Pradhans' were the generals and lavishly utilized all the powers of the king?
The Bahuns all are powerful highly educated so there was no need for them to take the burden and join the Army? Who joined the Army were and still are in high ranking position.
Basnyatjee, you might have forgotten that most of the Magars, Limbus, Rais were famous generals in Nepal, but you don't count the numbers only who became powerful cause they all have seperate battalins in they army and do you know that they were the famous loyals to the King of Nepal? So, don't even question their loyalty.
Who are the fighters of so called Maoist's exploited by the Bahuns and the Chettries? The great Magars and why? Who are most of the Gurkhas under British and Indian command till now? The Magars, Rais, Limbus and some Cheetries! Why? Don't you think they are most democratic countries of the world? Why they exploite the targated ethnic groups?
Have you seen any British and Indian generals looking for 'Bahuns' to recruit in their army why?
sano baje, i also heard the same thing... but have not seen any evidence of it.
but, just like the bahunists like to hype up stupid claims like madhesi uprising being a royalist thing, i have little doubt that when push comes to shove, even the greatest minds like Kul chandra gautam will stoop down to the level of caste-based politics.
I would not be surprised at all if the bahunists were instigating this boy nischal to may a "royal" ass out of him.
Very sad to see a bright young man being used by the bahunist lobby.
Oh and anonymous 5:16... very well said. I agree with you 100%. In an environment where each caste and ethnic group is fighting for its identity, there is no reason why the chhetris and thakuris should not do the same. I too and sick and tired of listening to one after another bahunist conspiracy theory.
Attack the army is all they have left to do... the country is about disintegrate because of these god damn bahuns. How about that?
How about the study quoted in this article? Is it coincidence that all the civil servants are servants of bahuns?
Yes bahunism concept ruining this nation. They have only 11% population but enjoying more than 70% at all level of powers. Almost all central level leaders are bahuns in Nepal.
Now time has come that chhetri should also support the ethnic parties for the unity and their participation at central level. If these spa ever come to CA, they will hardly get 20% of the total votes because all ethnic groups are aginst the parties massively dominated by bahun leaders.
I salute Nischal Basnyat for his writings. Now army should change and not to obey the order of even these seven parties. Their eyes should be positively toward ethnic groups who are genuinely demanding their right of participation.
Hey Anonymous, what kind of drugs are you taking?
You recognize bahunism but don't recognize all the bahunist arguments (and tone) in Basnyat's writing?
And by the way, for anyone who is interested, Kul Chandra Gautam did write to congratulate Basnyat on his half-baked writing.
This is how deep the culture of Bahunism runs... even at the Under Secretary General level, the bahunist strain is present.
I like the way this article is structured. It is well written and convincing. The way the writer critiques the approach and thoughts expressed by Basnyat is professional.
However, I am not sure the right balance is struck between the professional and personal level. The discrediting of the writing is fine. But I am surprised by the discrediting of the individual and the caste-based tone of the comments above.
We should really stay far away from such discriminatory, inflamatory attacks, shouldn't we?
Writer Nischal Basnyat is just a college student. Sure, he is a student at Harvard but that doesn't make him a genius. He will learn to make better arguments and be more politically correct with time. His ambition seems to have got the better of him this time.
Let's all move on.
I think he will write about bahunism dominance in all sectors as well....
I'm with the Anonymous before me. To discredit an adamantly ignorant hack is one thing; to incinerate a kid trying to argue what he possibly believes in, no matter how deluded, is another.
Yes, but fair's fair. If the child wrote fact-based damnation of the army, I don't think Joshi's article would even be relevant.
But since (at appears) the child went off the deep end (with little to back up his arguments), the child is learning.
Let's leave it at that and move on. I don't see Joshi's writing as more than criticism of Basnyast - obviously, it is well researched and balanced - unlike Basnyat's wild raving. There are lessons to learn from Joshi's writing.
I am fascinated by this unsubstantiated rumour that Kul Chandra Gautam wrote to congratulate Nischal on his article. Mr. Gautam is a highly intelligent individual and a high-ranking UN official with much political savy, so I am skeptical that he would unconditionally endorse this article. At the same time, despite everything, he is very much a Bahunist so my skepticism could well be misplaced!
Horatio, I sent the entire e-mail string to the moderators of NepaliPerspectives to post on this site. Unfortunately, the moderators refused to post it.
I am happy to forward you the original message if you would like. There is a hoarde of Bahunists implicated in that e-mail string.
Please send me your e-mail address and I will gladly forward you the message.
Anynomous, please limit your comments to criticisms of ideas.
This is a good follow up article by this same joker...
http://www.nepalnews.com.np/archive/2007/others/guestcolumn/dec/guest_columns_13.php
Everyone should read this to understand how basic and undeveloped Basnyat's policial acumen truly is. Academic luxury is not in abundant supply in Nepal.
The kid bit more than he could chew and decided to write an article about a complex subject in a manner that is almost glib. Criticisms are fair enough.
I would personally blame the website for posting student columns without doing their own due process.
What I am amazed at is the ferocity of the attack on a student who, for all his faults, is trying to write about topics that most of the Nepali youth population is completely apathetic about. I see a hint of jealousy in many of these responses here. Critique the article. Whether he goes/does not go to Harvard is irrelevant.
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