Environment, Energy and Water in Nepal

(Courtesy: Dwarika N. Dhungel)

Environment, Energy and Water in Nepal: A Key Note Address of Dwarika N. Dhungel delivered at an International Symposium on Environment, Energy and Water in Nepal: Recent Researches and Future Directions, organised in Himalaya Hotel, Kathmandu ( March 31 and April 1, 2009 ) by University of Yamanashi, Japan


1. All of you are aware that our world is facing an important environmental problem: climate change and global warming and their consequences. Nepal is not an exception to this global problem.

2. Climate change is now unequivocal. Recently the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) pointing to the recent studies announced that without decisive action, global warming in the 21st century is likely to accelerate at a much faster pace and cause more environmental damage than predicted. All sectors especially the socio-economically active sectors like water resources, agriculture, tourism, and health and areas such as biodiversity, natural disasters, extreme events etc are affected. Developed or developing, no country can escape from its impacts. Nepal is also strongly affected by the climate change, though her contribution in changing the climate is negligible.

3. Such changes are more pronounced in mountainous areas. This will accelerate the glacier melt in the Himalayas, which is projected to increase flooding, within the next two to three decades. This will be followed by decreased river flows as the glaciers recede. Freshwater availability not only in Nepal but also in the whole South Asia region is projected to decrease due to climate change.

4. In many years, there was practically no rainfall during the recently gone winter of 2008-009. We have observed the beginning of early warm season in the country. Japan's celebrated cherry blossomed early. If the trend continues, we may have to face a severe drought in the coming rainy season. Study by Department of Hydrology and Meteorology (DHoM) shows that the annual mean temperature of the country is increasing steadily at the linear rate of about 0.04oC/year. This rate is much higher than the mean global rate. The mean annual temperature has increased by 1.8°C between 1975 and 2006. Study shows that not only the mean annual temperature is increasing, but also all the seasons are warming. The rate of warming is also varied, which is higher in winter compared to the other seasons. Apart from change in mean state of climate, the changes in frequency and intensity of extreme climate events have profound impacts on nature and society.

In Nepal:

• Cool days and cool nights have decreased.
• Warm nights and warm days have increased.
• Frequency of warm spells has increased and incidence of cold spells has decreased.
  

5. With the long dry period and unusually high temperature, this winter in Nepal has brought a lot of hardships to the public. Water level in most of the rivers has decreased. The wells, tube wells and ancient waterspouts (Dhunge Dharaa) have started drying in the Katmandu Valley. This has created drinking water scarcity in the valley. A 12,000 liter tanker water now costs Nrs. 2,600 up from Nrs. 1,200. After 2006 that was marked as one of the driest winters in Nepal, 2009 winter is another similar drier winter within a span of 3 years.

6. The rivers are not only getting dry day by day, but they are also getting polluted. Due to the lack of landfill sites facility, most of the urban rivers in the country have become west dumping sites. Almost all the rivers within the Kathmandu valley have turned into very dark pool of filths, dirt and wastewater - an open sewer. They could be easily called cesspools. The morning walkers along the river banks, which I also undertake along the Bagmati River with a senior colleague, have to use handkerchiefs in their noses to avoid very bad odor. If people like us cannot face or tolerate five to ten minutes in the dirty and filthy environment along the famous rivers banks of Kathmandu, one can imagine, in what hazardous conditions people must be living on the posh bungalows and shanty huts on the banks of this river. The Pashupati Aryaghat on the bank of the River Bagmati, where pauper and prince, both are normally cremated, may be the dirtiest place and whatever drop of water is available in it, is very hazardous and contaminated. But many after their cremation would like to get a piece of their bones buried underneath the clean water of the Bagmati River at Aryghat. Therefore, one of my friends wants me to answer his query, that is, Should we not have the respect for our sacred Bagmati River? He further thinks that 'we have for over a decade, environmental laws and regulations framed with the assistance of our friends (donors). Yet the will to implement those laws are totally lacking, why? I do not have the answers to these questions of my friend.

7. 53 percent of the total population (65 percent in the urban areas and 51 percent in the rural areas) is supposed to be enjoying the piped drinking water facility. Yet people face the drinking water problem. According to the ADB (2004), it is reported that nearly 50 percent of drinking water supply schemes are not functioning as designed due to the lack of proper maintenance in Kathmandu valley. Other urban drinking water schemes also suffer from this problem.

8. Water pollution is the most serious public health issue in Nepal. Water-borne diseases such as diarrhea, dysentery, cholera and skin diseases are among the top ten dreadful leading diseases. The quality of both surface and ground water sources used for drinking water purpose is deteriorating mainly due to both natural and anthropogenic contaminations. Discharge of untreated domestic sewers and industrial effluents into rivers, and landslides, soil erosion and floods pollute the river water. The ground water in the Katmandu valley is polluted with fecal contamination. Whereas, arsenic problem is rampant in the Terai (southern plains) area. This shows that the quality of drinking water in Nepal is miserably substandard.

9. Drinking water is the basic minimum requirement of all the human beings. Access to safe and adequate drinking water is the commitment of the government. Therefore, the government needs to raise the awareness of the people on sanitation and promote, operate and maintain domestic as well as industrial wastewater treatment plants to reduce the pollution of surface water and safeguard the public health. Studies have also recommended community wastewater management treatment plants and separate treatment plants for populated institutions such as hospitals, prisons and army camps. It may be recalled that wastewater management promotes water conservation by preventing pollution from untreated discharges to surface water, groundwater and soils.

10. The demand for water is increasing due to increase in population and industrialization and the rate of ground water recharge is decreasing with increase in pavement area due to rapid urbanization. As a result the ground water aquifer is vulnerable to drying of the wells, contamination of water and possible land subsidence. Among others, the depletion of ground water table is threatening agricultural development that is the main source of GDP in the region. But let me remind you that the people in Terai and the Kathmandu valley are very much dependant on ground water. Therefore a proper sustainable management of groundwater is urgently needed.

11. More than 30 year long study of glaciers in Nepal shows the alarming rate of glacier retreat from few meters to over 30 meters in a year. The most serious impact of climate change on glaciers is the expansion of these glacier lakes and formation of new ones, posing danger of glacier lake outburst flood (GLOF). Nepal has already observed 15 GLOF events. 20 glacier lakes in Nepal are potentially dangerous.

12. The fresh water resource of the Himalayas is depleting fast affecting the water resources of both Nepal and the populous Indo-Gangetic Plain. The mighty Ganges, whose 75 percent of the flow during the three lean months is fed from the rivers flowing from Nepal, supports 42 percent of the Indian population. There is going to be increasing demand for fresh water in our part of the world.

13. The heavy precipitation events show the increasing trend. This implies the occurrence of more extremely high rainfall in future and water induced disasters such as floods and landslides are expected to be more common. There may be high possibility of increased water induced disasters in the country. Moreover, the studies on observed trend in water-induced disasters also show the increasing trend in disaster (floods, landslides and droughts) events and damage. Nepal has; therefore, to develop a comprehensive disaster management strategies and frameworks for disasters risk reduction to adjust the sudden shocks.

14. It may be recalled that Nepal is known to be one of the richest countries in water resources. With her more than 6,000 rivers, having a combined run-off of more than 200 billion cubic meters (bcm), and contributing 46% (as high as 71% during the lean season) of the flow in the Ganges has immense potential for the development of hydropower, which, if developed to the maximum possible extent, would not only fulfill the total demand of the country but also some requirements of other countries of South Asia: India and Bangladesh. The theoretical hydropower potential of Nepal's rivers is estimated to be about 83,000 mega watts (MW) of which about 43,000 MW is considered to be financially and technically feasible for exploitation. However, Nepal’s per capita energy consumption is one of the lowest in the world reflecting the low level of development and prosperity. As of March 2008, the country had exploited only 556.4 MW of hydropower (public sector: 408.1 MW and private sector: 148.3 MW) of the hydropower potential. The country is undergoing 16 hours of reeling load shedding having serious consequences in the economy. It is most likely to increase in the days to come. Despite the fact that Nepal may organize programme to celebrate 100 years of the establishment of the first hydropower plant, 500 KW Pharping power plant, in two year's time, she seems to going back to the dark days. Thus one major question that needs to be raised: Why we are undergoing the worst load shedding in Nepal's history? Have the Initial Environmental Examination and Environmental Impact Assessment laws and regulations relating to hydropower development become a burden or, a constraint? The government's recent 35 Point Agenda that has been brought to deal with load shedding problem appears to indicate that.

15. The current energy consumption scenario shows that Nepal’s energy supply is primarily based on traditional, commercial and alternative energy of which the large portion of the energy consumption (over 85%) is dominated by the use of traditional non commercial forms of energy, the biomass fuels particularly fuel wood, agriculture residue and animal dung. As population increases, and economy expands, the energy demand would also increase. Coping the increasing demand and diversifying the sources of energy are the major challenges before the country.

16. The way the present and future demands are met affects not only the environment but also the overall development. Indiscriminate use of fossil fuel is leading to global warming and climate change. Nepal, therefore, has to pursue an energy policy that ensures energy for present and future use from sources that are dependable, affordable, safe and environmental friendly. Nepal’s energy development therefore got to be guided by the following principles:

Firstly, promotion of indigenous renewable sources such as solar, wind, biomass, hydro etc.
Secondly, energy diversification as no single source is likely to fulfill all types of energy needs and dependence on one source alone is not sustainable in the long run.
Last but not the least, efficient use of energy in the production, supply and consumption stages need to be maintained.

The key to a secure energy future is the efficient and effective use of a diverse mix of energy sources. But how sustainable, without the donor support, in solar, wind and biomass for a country like Nepal needs to be seriously analysed.

17. In the light of all the facts and realities, what I personally think is that friends of scholars working on Nepal, and professionals in the subject matters covered by this symposium, should in addition to undertaking studies and researches pay attention to the following matters and provide solid analytical basis to understand the problems and undertake the measures that would address the problems:

• Find out what has been done to deal with the issues related to climate change, measures undertaken, their success or hard realities and lapses?
• Successes and lapses in controlling river pollution and contamination and growing scarcity of drinking water especially in urban areas and arsenic problem related to the ground water.
• Warning system and alertness/preparedness to deal with the GLOF burst and glacier related issues.
• Development of more non-grid based hydro projects in isolated pockets and getting them hooked to the national grid.
• Concerted and sustained effort to develop different energy sources.
  

Above all, I want to urge all of you to make an analytical study and diagnose the chronicle disease that Nepal has been suffering for a long time, i.e. Nepal is good in plan preparation but in the water and energy: no drinking water, no power, and cesspools all around. What a paradox?

Kathmandu

March 31, 2009

Re-thinking Maoist Democracy

(Courtesy: Dr. Hari Bansha Dulal)

The populist floodgates that have been thrown open have dangerously destabilized the country. In the name of equality, ethnic fundamentalism is on the rise. Law and order situation is in a shambles. Judiciary is being ridiculed and attacked. Can a nation with an acutely vulnerable judiciary, absence of law and order, and social capital (dangerously depleted by rising ethnic hatred) prosper and consolidate democracy? Nepal represents a failing democracy in which the prospects for consolidation have narrowed down significantly mainly due to the politicians´ inability to manage peoples’ expectations and to look for solutions for domestic political problems from within the country.

The ruling party has been inconsistently consistent about their lack of faith in multi-party democracy and the opposition parties do not have the required strength and vision to mainstream the Maoists. Democratic consolidation in Nepal now is a generational challenge, requiring a long-term process of locally embedded civil society development, party institutionalization, and the disarmament of insurgency groups.

Virtually nothing will be achieved at this point by blaming the Maoists for derailing the democratic process and looking for an external solution to the problem. Why would the Maoists strengthen a system in which they never had faith to begin with? The Maoists had it all figured out. They wanted to get rid of the old political structure and fill the vacuum, which they have succeeded in doing so. With their militia controlling rural areas, they knew very well that major political parties of yesteryears would not be able to stand their wrath for long. The Maoists’ calculation went awry when ethnic dissent sparked off. But they quickly figured out a way to deal with it. By accommodating Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) and Nepal Sadbhavana Party in the government, they have frozen the chances of large scale ethnic revolt that could potentially bring down their government. As far as small-scale ethnic dissent is concerned, they are ready to strike a deal even if such deals have the potential to hurt the nation in the future. Their past deals clearly show how well they have mastered the art of using “useful idiots.”

Their biggest hurdle for now is neutralizing the Nepali Army (NA) and overhauling the bureaucracy. They want to neutralize the army because it is the only institution in Nepal that can put a brake to the Maoists march towards establishment of one party rule. By neutralizing the army—the process has already begun with the formation of Army Integration Special Committee—they want to negate the possibility of a takeover by the army or an army-backed government. For the Maoists, overhauling the bureaucracy is equally important because the Maoists know it very well that the Nepali bureaucracy is not neutral. The Maoists will not hesitate to provide golden parachutes so that they can get rid of civil servants they don’t want. By doing so, the Maoists will not only substantially reduce the threat to their regime but also please donors and other external players that have been advocating for reforms in security sector and bureaucracy. Actually, it might be perceived as a step towards promoting good governance by the donors and the Maoists government might end up benefiting both diplomatically and financially.

The Maoists have never shied away from making known their desire to establish one-party rule in Nepal. The one-party rule they want to establish does not have to be like North Korea´s. They can live with the West Bengal-type model, where they can run the show without much of a threat from other political players. Probably, that is the easiest and safest route for the Maoists. All they have to do is continue what they have been doing so far—flush out the political cadres of major political parties from rural areas. That way they can guarantee the outcome of future elections and appear democratic to the external world at the same time. This formula was successfully experimented in Constituent Assembly elections and it worked out pretty well in favor of the Maoists. They might want to take this experiment to the urban areas now. But how difficult would that be when you have the covert support of security forces, and the bureaucracy is willing to do the needful?

While the Maoists are working hard to find a way within the country to consolidate their rule, the opposition parties appear clueless regarding how to preserve their political space. The leaders of the opposition parties once again want our southern neighbor to devise a survival formula for them.

What the politicians of opposition parties fail to understand is, even if they come to the power and rule the country, which is only possible through NA´s backing, they will not be able to run the show for very long. They want to rule the country that no longer exists. Today’s Nepal is drastically different from the past. Nepal, as a nation, has gone too far left. First of all, even if India supports the opposition’s quest for power, removing the Maoists from power will not be as easy as removing Gyanendra Shah. The support that Pushpa Kamal Dahal has and the scale of violence that he can unleash is no match to the support and options that the former king had. So even if opposition parties bounce back with tacit support from India and the backing of NA, which in my view is completely unacceptable and undemocratic, they will not be able to rule for long. Dahal has way more support than what Gyanendra enjoyed during his rule. And, think about the cross-mobility of communists from the CPN-UML to the Maoist party. The recent college elections have clearly shown that the younger generation in Nepal is increasingly leaning towards the left. There is nothing to be cheerful about the poor showing of the Maoists in recent student union elections. Third place is good enough. It will not take very long for student leaders from the UML-affiliated student wing to migrate to the Maoist wing. They share the same ideology.

The options that the opposition parties in Nepal have at this point are very limited. For now, they should forget about scratching the backs of foreign leaders to garner support to bounce back to power. Such move is neither democratic, nor will it help them remain in power for long. The only way to keep the Maoists deviating away from democratic path is by keeping them engaged. It will take time, which Girija Prasad Koirala and other aged leaders unfortunately do not have on their side given their age and desire to establish their siblings in politics. We had an option to taste the success that Mahendra Rajapaksa in Sri Lanka is enjoying now, but we decided not to take that route and it is now too late to even think about it. Now, it is an ideological battle between the hardcore leftists and true democrats, if any. NA should not be dragged into this fight.

Let the people of Nepal themselves realize the difference between living in a liberal society and under hardcore leftists´ rule. A revolution that will occur then after will be the real revolution for democracy. It will be a long slog but would be worthier than the shortcut our southern neighbor devises for us. Not very long ago they devised a formula to establish democracy in Nepal and we all know how well it worked out. We are the ones who are now paying for their five-decade-long expertise in democratic consolidation. Do we really need another set of formulas from them again?

(Originally published at: http://www.myrepublica.com/portal/?action=news_details&news_id=3146)

Arun III Project: Nepal’s Electricity Crisis and it’s Role in Current Load Shedding and the Potential Role 10 Years Hence

(Courtesy: Ratna Sansar Shrestha, FCA)

Abstract

It, has become fashionable to blame “cancellation” of Arun III project, by the World Bank in 1995, in reference to current electricity crisis, inferring that had it been implemented consumers in Nepal would not have been facing current load shedding problem. Now is time for a dispassionate and detached analysis of the two scenarios, the Arun III route and the route sans Arun III. The analysis of alternative scenarios demonstrates that the implementation of Arun III 201 MW project in 1995 would have not eliminated load shedding from 2000 onwards; in fact the power deficit would have been of a higher magnitude. Now, Arun III planning is for a new incarnation with a capacity of 402 MW, expected to be completed within next 10 years. But as the output of this proejdct has been slated for export, it, too, will not alleviate load shedding problem of Nepal.

Nepal is facing severe electricity crisis due to supply constraint and it has already been forecast that the load shedding is here to stay in the increasing magnitude. During this year’s wet season Nepal faced the problem of flood which resulted in loss of life and limb as well as property in the hilly areas and Terai in Western Nepal. Besides, the breach of Koshi embankment played a havoc in East Nepal where people got drowned (and unfortunately killed, too) and displaced, homes washed away, and farmers’ investment of time, energy and resources in the cultivation of their land washed out (in some areas even fertile land was converted to sandy “beach”). Moreover, communication network and infrastructure including road network was brought to disarray. Industries in the area also suffered due to break down of transportation system; either because of failure to access raw materials and other supplies or because of inability to supply finished product to its customers (most of the industries suffered on both counts).

In the past, Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) used to trot out the excuse of no water in rivers whenever it came up with a new load shedding schedule or made changes in them resulting in the increased hours of load shedding. However, this rainy season, even in the abundance of water (or flood!), NEA imposed a load shedding of 2 hours each day, two days a week, till third week of August 2008. With effect from 27th August, 2008 the load shedding hours was increased to 16.5 hours/week which kept on increasing ad nauseaum. The Chief of Load Dispatch Center of NEA announced in a program in Butwal on 11th November 2008 that there will be load shedding at the rate of 10 hours/day in Marga (November-December), which will go up to 12 hours/day in Paush (December-January) and it will peak at 14 hours/day during Magh (January-February) this year[i].

Many a pages have been written wherein the root cause of Nepal’s electricity crisis has been ascribed to the cancellation of Arun III by the World Bank in 1995, scheduled to be completed in 2005. Besides the journalists of many hues, a number of luminaries have also “invested” time and energy to write on this topic, including a special chapter dedicated to this subject, forming a part of the book by a renowned economist, who has occupied the position of finance minister of Nepal a number of times over last two decades and was the first Vice Chair of National Planning Commission of democratic Nepal in 1991[ii]. It is high time to examine/analyze if there is any truth in it. Irrespective of whether there is an iota of truth in this logic or not, it is also time to draw lessons from this phenomenon so that Nepal is able to learn from this episode and undertake projects for implementation in future prudently. In other words, a dispassionate and detached analysis is called for to test if the argument attributing current load shedding problem to the cancellation of Arun III project by the World Bank is rooted to ground reality or not and find out what lessons could be learnt from this episode. This entails conducting an autopsy of this logic, as it will also be able to throw ample light on the intellect and mindset of the hydrocracy (intelligentsia, politicos and bureaucracy involved in water resource sector) in Nepal.

FOR A FULL VERSION OF THIS TEXT, PLEASE REFER TO THE FOLLOWING SITE:
http://ratnasansar.blogspot.com/2009/03/arun-iii-project-nepals-electricity.html

[i] Source: Kantipur of November 13, 2008.
[ii] Mahat, Dr Ram Sharan, 2005: In Defence of Democracy, Adroit Publishers.

Murari Raj Sharma - A Relic of the “Old Nepal”

(Courtesy: Kaila Baje)

In an interview entitled “Foreign Minister Yadav has Violated all Diplomatic Protocols,” EX-Nepali Ambassador to the United Kingdom, Murari Raj Sharma, makes an impassioned appeal to his readership by spewing all sorts of nonsensical logic on how he has been victimized. The following writing will categorically nullify each of Sharma’s allegations and will go further to demonstrate why Sharma’s false sense of entitlement, his bahunist hubris, and his familial ties to Girija Prasad Koirala, easily justify Foreign Minister Upendra Yadav’s actions.

First off all, this is the “New Nepal.” There is no space here for the type of shenanigans that sustained the feudal/nepotistic structures of the “Old Nepal.” In other words, Murari Raj Sharma’s blood relations to Girija Prasad Koirala no longer holds the type of political currency it once did. As a political appointee of the FORMER Prime Minister of Nepal, it is only befitting that Murari Raj Sharma, like his cohort of political appointees, also become a FORMER Ambassador.

As his first act as Ambassador, the FORMER appointee to the United States of America (Dr. Suresh Raj Chalise), is rumored to have replaced pictures of FORMER King Gyanendra with those of Girija Prasad Koirala. No, not in his private bedroom, or even the Ambassador’s residence, but in the Nepali Embassy in Washington DC. Chalise is on record, touring various think-tanks in the American capital, extolling the virtues of the Nepali Congress and how this party was responsible for ending Nepal’s civil war by “mainstreaming” the Maoists. As expected, Chalise did was he was sent to do - represent Nepal’s interests and in the process, uplift his political party’s international standing.

Even more could be expected of Murari Raj Sharma. This is why it made perfect sense for Nepal’s new government to rescind Sharma’s appointment because Sharma was scheduled to interact with high level British dignitaries. By doing so, Nepal’s Foreign Minister did quite the opposite of “disrespecting” British dignitaries. Instead, he made a calculated move to thwart a disinformation campaign by Murari Raj Sharma which was certain to have dwelled far less on Nepal’s national interests and much more on Sharma’s personal interests - propagating the falsehood of Nepal’s democracy as contingent on the auspices of Girija Prasad Koirala and his Nepali Congress.

Second, Murari Raj Sharma’s unfounded sense of entitlement is pasted all over his interview. Vetting process or not, Sharma was a political appointee of an era long past when the process of vetting was dominated by members of Sharma’s own political allegiance - the Nepali Congress. Sharma’s past claims of having “fought for democracy” in Nepal are preposterous distortions of the truth for his struggle centered squarely around securing his own future, then his Party’s and had little if anything to do with Nepal.

Further, one can hardly term the Sharma’s actions as those of a democrat when he is seen in open defiance of a democratically established Foreign Minister. What gives Sharma the right to question the verdict of a system that he supposedly helped create?

The other disturbing attribute of Sharma’s rant revolves around his rent-seeking behavior. For some pathetic reason, Sharma seems to think that the services he purportedly rendered in the name of restoring Nepal’s democracy, earned him the right to become an Ambassador. What chicanery! If Sharma’s logic were to hold true, there are thousands of Nepalis who deserve Ambassadorships before Sharma’s candidacy should even be considered as a back-up to a third-rate list.

In reality, Sharma’s sense of false entitlement is nothing more than a remnant of past feudal structures that once prevailed in Nepal. Aiding the process of Nepal’s transformation to a modern nation-state necessarily implies wiping the slate clean of such feudalist tendencies. Foreign Minister Upendra Yadav has done Nepali a favor by clearly signaling a departure in Nepal’s foreign affairs, from the rent-seeking characteristics of Murari Raj Sharma.

Also, Consider that Sharma used to be one of the closest confidants of Panchayati Prime Minister Marich Man Singh. After 1990, Sharma became a key figure in Nepal’s Customs Department, then a Foreign Secretary, Nepal’s Ambassador to the United Nations and finally, Nepal’s Ambassador to the United Kingdom. A product of hard work? Perhaps. A fortunate recipient of divine intervention? Could be. An offspring of the culture of sycophancy that continues to pervade the Nepali Congress’s internal “democratic” structure? Now we’re talking!

If Murari Raj Sharma had anything on his mind other than himself, if he had even a drop of diplomatic blood running through his veins, Sharma, like his cohorts, would have left his duty station in November of 2008. His excuse of personal embarrassment at having to cancel appointments with British dignitaries pales in comparison to the national embarrassment he has created for the Nepali nation-state.

Speaking of diplomatic norms and precedents, Murari Raj Sharma’s shameless public mud-slinging conveniently erases his own record of defying such norms. It was certainly not diplomatic of Sharma to continue abusing Nepali tax payers’ funds when he refused to vacate the Ambassador’s residence in New York - after he had been relieved of his duties as Nepali Ambassador to the UN. Double-dipping in the Nepali Government’s and the UN’s coffers was a brazen breach of conduct in 2003. Refusing to vacate the Nepali Embassy’s premises in London is just as egregious a crime, in 2008/2009.

If Sharma truly believes that the termination of his appointment has breached legal precedents, he, like all Nepali citizens, is welcome to challenge Upendra Yadav’s decision in a Nepali court. As a self-proclaimed democrat of democrats, Sharma of all people should demonstrate confidence in the rule of law; he should be equally prepared to face the consequences of his insubordination should he be found guilty of breaching the norms he accuses Foreign Minister Upendra Yadav of breaching.

Further, the allegations that Murari Raj Sharma has launched against B. P. Yadav (another democratically established leader in Nepali politics) are serious. Should Sharma have proof to back up his allegations, he is welcome to present his case before a Nepali court of law. Yet, such thinking appears alien to a disenfranchised sycophant who appears more concerned with creating controversy for the Nepali government (on behalf of his lord Koirala and Lady Sujata), than serving the interests of the Nepali people.

On a human level, the personal challenges Murari Sharma currently faces (his child’s education and his wife’s medical treatment), inspire sympathy. On a professional and democratic level, Sharma’s refusal to vacate the Nepali Embassy’s premises in London, and take leave to tend to his personal matters, are appalling! Is there anything democratic about Nepali tax payers subsidizing Sharma’s personal expenses?

There are reasons why the Nepali Congress is in demise and reasons why the Maoists, despite their stated objective of establishing a one-party communist republic, increasingly present the best of the worst alternatives for ordinary Nepalis. Characters like Murari Raj Sharma represent “glowing” examples of the increasing disenchantment that Nepali people feel, when it comes to the Nepali Congress. The Murari’s of our time are the epitome of why a democratic culture continues to evade Nepal. Emerging leaders in the Nepali Congress would do well to distance themselves from the likes of Murari Raj Sharma and the distasteful, double-standards his generation of politicians represent.

Foreign Minister Upendra Yadav had every right to terminate Murari Raj Sharma’s appointment. Moreover, given the ethnic dimensions to Sharma’s outburst (and the breach in protocol embodied by Sharma’s letter to a fellow bahun, Pushpa Kamal Dahal), Minister Yadav has even more reason to assert his democratically bestowed position by insisting that Sharma vacate the Nepal government’s property, immediately.

To Retain or Retire?

(Courtesy: Chiran Thapa)

Once again, Nepal braces for another nail biting affair. Just when it was time to heave a sigh of relief following the recruitment row, another bout of vicious sparring between the Nepal Army and the Maoists in the government is underway.

Before, the row was over recruitment. This time it is over retirement.

As a customary practice, the Nepal Army had written to the Defence Ministry to extend the tenures of eight of its Brigadier Generals. Such extensions were never stymied in the past. This time, however, the Maoist Defence Minister did not acquiesce. When the Defence ministry did not forward the extension proposal to the cabinet, time elapsed and the Generals' retirement dates passed by.

Initially, when no word came from the Defence Ministry, the Generals were asked to continue with their respective tenures by the Chief of Army Staff (CoAS). But, now that the Defence Ministry has sent a letter to the Army Headquarters to retire the Generals, it remains to be seen how the Nepal Army will respond.

This case bears some resemblance to the retirement of senior officers of the Nepal Police. Just last month, the government did not extend the tenures of the Inspector General of Police (IGP) Hem Bahadur Gurung and three Additional Inspector-Generals (AIGs). Previously too, the government had not extended the tenures of eleven senior police officers who consequently retired in September of last year. That lot included the IGP Om Bikram Rana, five AIGs and five Deputy Inspector Generals (DIGs).

But the Nepal Army's case is markedly different. For one, the Police Force is utterly politicized and the institution has had very little say over postings, promotions and retirements. The Nepal Army, however, had thus far kept such matters strictly under its institutional purview. And the Defence Ministry had never before interjected in such affairs.

Also, under the robust commandership of the current CoAS, the Nepal Army has deftly maintained the chain of command and kept the institution intact. With great dexterity, the CoAS has effectively restrained those that want to come out blazing against the former foes and those that want to sycophantically pay homage to newly ensconced political masters.

Furthermore, under his watch, the Nepal Army has kept its boots off the political landscape. Instead, it has subtly cultivated cordial relations with various political forces, the media, the foreign diplomatic corps and other luminaries.

It is these extensive cordial links cultivated by the Nepal Army that have bolstered its clout and leverage. And the recruitment and retirement tussles manifest those relationships. The retirements of the senior Police officers were hardly an issue for other political forces. But, in the Nepal Army's case, politicians of all persuasions have fervently jumped into the ring to support the Nepal Army.

This time too, various political forces have joined the fray to support the Army. Numerous Nepali Congress (NC) leaders have called on the President Ram Baran Yadav - who is currently the Supreme Commander of the Nepal Army, and requested him to intervene to retain the Generals.

Under the leadership of the NC President – Girija Prasad Koirala, leaders of CPN (UML), CPN (Marxist Leninist), Nepal Sadbhawana Party, Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) and Rastriya Janashakti Party (RJP) have decided to forge an alliance against the decision to retire the Generals.

Besides the politicians, others are throwing in their weight too. A group of four former Lieutenant Generals met the President and requested him to use his “special influence” to end the controversy. They believe that such large scale retirement of the hierarchy would gravely jeopardize the structure and functioning of the institution. On the other hand, one retired Major General and a few other former junior officers have come out in support of the Defence ministry's decision saying that "the retirement is purely an administrative matter and the generals should retire as per the Defence Ministry's decision."

Amid these divergent perspectives, however, there is another distinctly inseparable element about this row. It has to do with the previous recruitment row. Recently, the Nepal Army had mulishly recruited new personnel into its ranks flouting the Defence Minister's objections. The Minister's inability to halt the recruitment process had greatly emasculated and embarrassed him and his party that is leading the government. Hence, given the history, the line between vengeance and righteousness is blurred.

This issue, however, transcends beyond the realms of vengeance or righteousness. For the Maoists, it is a face saving game coupled with their aspiration to reign over the Nepal Army. The only bulwark that stands in the Maoist path of total domination is the Nepal Army. The Maoists understand very well that if it were to get hold of the levers that controlled the Nepal Army, they can suppress and sideline any political opposition with relative ease.

Moreover, at a time when the country is in a hideous mess, this imbroglio provides the Maoist leadership with a much needed respite. This incident is being effectively exploited to divert the attention of the masses away from the inadequacies and insecurities plaguing the Nepali society. Faced with a sharply declining popularity, both nationally and internationally, the Maoists are trying to employ the Nepal Army's resistance to their advantage. By propagating Army's actions as a serious breach of democratic norms and values, the Maoists intend on garnering public support.

But most importantly, it sorely needs to demonstrate its supreme status to the people, and especially to its restive cadres and combatants. By overriding their stiff resistance in the recruitment row, the Nepal Army had given the Maoists a black eye. This incident had unmistakably demonstrated the acumen and strength of the Nepal Army.

It is no wonder why this tussle has become a must win situation for Maoists. The Maoists direly need to redeem themselves after their ignominious retreat from the recruitment row. They need to demonstrate that they are in control and that they have managed to lasso the most powerful institution in the country.

In the meantime, the Army too needs to prove that it still retains the capability to withstand and overcome political interference and that it will not be bossed around whimsically by those who want to infuse a politically indoctrinated bevy into its professional ranks.

If the Maoists are able to withhold the decision and let the Generals retire, it will set a new precedent. From the Maoist viewpoint, it would herald a new beginning in the control of the Nepal Army. This would certainly ease the way for the wholesale integration of their combatants into the National Army.

From the Nepal Army's standpoint, however, it will mark the beginning of political encroachment. And it will certainly instill a visceral sense of vulnerability amongst the troops, especially amongst the higher ranking officers.

But if the Nepal Army digs its heels firmly enough and is able to retain its Generals, then implications could be adverse for the Maoists. If Maoists are compelled to retract their decision, then it would be another humiliating blow to its stature and morale. And it would once again project the Nepal Army as a far superior force.

As this row unfolds, the prognosis is bleak. By retiring Brigadiers and upgrading the Colonels, the Maoists are perhaps hoping to prop up a new hierarchy in the Nepal Army that is more pliable to their interest. But, the new lot could easily turn out to be more radical and recalcitrant than the released ones. In any case, whichever way the tussle goes, it will most certainly poison the sour relationship that already persists between these two formidable forces. Not only that, this could possibly be the beginning of an end of an apolitical National Army.

8 March, International Women’s Day

(Courtesy: Birat Simha)

8 March is International Women’s Day. International Women’s Day is observed around the world each year to celebrate the achievements and gains made by women and to focus on the job still to be done in working towards equality for women. International Women’s Day provides an opportunity for communities to recognise and celebrate local women’s achievements and the contribution they continue to make to their area.

I was reading in a paper the other day about a community in western Nepal which observed strict traditional customs related to maternity as well as menses. The new-born child and mother have to remain secluded, usually in the cow shed, for 11 days before the priest “purifies” the child in the ceremony commonly known as Nwaran. Similarly, women have to remain completely secluded for 5 days during their monthly menses. The former has resulted in the death of children who do not have access to proper post-natal care. The latter is yet another phenomenon of “untouchability” in our society.

A few months ago, the Miss Nepal pageant had to be scuttled due to protests from a women Maoist group which dubbed it as exploitation of women, ignoring completely that all the contenders were well educated young ladies, there is no bikini parade in the Nepal pageant, and the Miss World organization is a major donor to charities. So Nepal was not represented at the Miss World pageant in Johannesburg, South Africa last December. Ms. Russia won the crown and Ms. India was the runner up. A group of narrow-minded dogmatic women, ironically, prevented the Nepali contestants from competing for a better future.

Another glaring illustration is the treatment of widows in Nepal. When the husband dies, the wife’s bangles are broken, the vermillion on her head wiped away and she is swathed in white, never to wear red again. She has to go into hard mourning for 13 days. Some widows even wear only white for a year or for the rest of their lives. A widower can receive offers of marriage the very next day after the death of his wife.

Closer to home, I learnt recently that daughters, once married, have no legal rights on their parents’ property. I assume parents wash their hands off their daughters once they marry. She becomes the responsibility of her husband. In a way, she becomes a member of her husband’s family completely with minimal ties to her own family. I hear murmurings that this law will soon be changed, giving equal rights to sons and daughters. It is yet to be seen whether the fabled “New Nepal” will redress this inequality.

For sure, women in Nepal, as elsewhere in the world, have come a long way. Women’s literacy is over 40%, though men’s is close to 60%. Women in the work-force are visible from the women traffic police to the numerous executives and secretaries, though more of the latter to be sure. There is yet much to be done. The median age at first marriage of Nepali women is only 17. Maternal mortality rate, the number of maternal deaths per 100,000 deliveries, remains at 281, as compared to 110 for Maldives and 92 for Sri Lanka. Only 23% of Nepali women give birth attended by a trained attendant, as compared to 85% for Maldives and 96% for Sri Lanka.
Statistics alone do not tell the whole story. They are merely indicators of deep-rooted social, cultural and development issues. Until we can accept the fact that all babies, whether male or female, are born equal and have equal rights, the status of Nepali women will continue to be defiled. Parents will keep on having children until they have a son who can light their funeral pyre, thus inflating the birth rate. Women are usually not even allowed at funerals. Why should not a daughter light the funeral pyre? If women in history had the courage to burn themselves alive in the funeral pyres of their husbands, courage is in no short supply among women.

Changes in women’s status can come about only with basic attitudinal changes among men, as well as women who cling to out-dated customs. These changes need to be brought about by education, how children are brought up, and legal safeguards for women’s rights. There is still a long way to go for women to achieve equality and equity with men in Nepal. But it is a challenge that cannot be avoided. It has been proven, for example, that educated mothers have fewer and healthier children. So it is not an exaggeration to say that women shape the future.

As we celebrate International Women’s Day, let each one of us reflect on the true status of the average Nepali woman. Not the socialite or CA member, not the educated and aware, but the simple girls and women in a village. Perhaps they spend most of their time fetching water, cooking, washing clothes, and looking after their fields and cattle, if any. They are illiterate, doomed to a life unchanged for generations. Development, a nebulous term at best, requires many ingredients. A crucial one is that women have to be educated and their status must be equal to men.

(The writer is a former UNFPA Representative in Mongolia and Papua New Guinea)

Political Problems Don’t Have Military Solutions

(Courtesy: Comrade Libre)

There are certain forces, internal and external to Nepal, that are engaged in goading the NA (Nepali Army) into controversy. For the good of the military institution, the well-being of our men and women in uniform, and for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Nepal, the NA must continue resisting all forms of political instigation. The Army must continue its journey down a politically independent path, with service to the Nepali nation-state (and her people), as the institution’s ultimate objective.

UNMIN Exposed - Why the controversy now?

First and foremost, blame for the controversy over the NA’s bid to fill vacant spots, lies squarely in the United Nation’s corner. The monitoring of arms and armies is the cornerstone of the UNMIN’s mandate in Nepal - a mandate that apparently, the UNMIN failed to execute on two prior occasions when the NA filled vacation positions, without fanfare or controversy.

Both previous recruitment drives were advertised, were identical in process to the current drive, and were held after the signing of the CPA (Comprehensive Peace Agreement). So either the UNMIN learned of all three recruiting events at the same time or it acted at the Maoists’ behest. Irrespective of what the actual rationale may have been, the facts remain that the UNMIN failed to act in a timely manner, failed to carry out its duties and at least in perception, failed the dual tests of impartiality and independence - again.

It is shameful enough that a civilian (Mr. Ram Hari Shrestha) was abducted and subsequently murdered inside a UN supervised, Maoist cantonment. In the face of the public scrutiny that followed, Ian Martin was quick to cite a lack of mandate to report (or even prevent) pre-meditated murder. That was bad enough. But for Ian Martin to throw his weight behind the Maoists’ in the current context is just unhelpful, disingenuous and a shameless display of selective enforcement of the CPA.

Toppling the Maoist Government - What does the average Nepali gain?

Second, the disgruntlement over the NA’s recruitment is only one of several on-going issues. It is neither paramount to the continuity of Nepal’s peace process nor particularly relevant to the constitution-making process. What it is, is an unnecessary distraction of a political variety that should be deferred for resolution at the political level. The last thing the NA should be doing at this juncture is permitting its institutional integrity to be compromised over political power plays.

If Girija Prasad Koirala’s Nepali Congress has political contentions with the Maoists’, it is GPK and the NC who should be addressing such concerns with Prachanda and the Defense Minister. The same goes for the UML, the RPP, the MJF or any other political party. But to use the institutional issue of NA recruitment as a springboard to forward political agendas (specifically, to cripple and embarrass the Maoist government) is dangerous, irresponsible and can escalate into further confrontation.

For issues of a political variety, the Cabinet and the Parliament are where civilized confrontations (also known as debates) should be had. If resolution cannot be achieved at that level, the NC, the UML and others are welcome to pursue street protests. In other words, the “democrats” in these parties ought to rely more on the tools that enable democratic practice - parliamentary politics and civil disobedience - and less on military adventurism to fulfill their respective political objectives.

Betrayal in Historical Perspective - The lessons the NA should never forget

Third and most important, the NA”s leadership should have the common sense and wherewithal to realize that it is the very same politicians who insist upon upholding the NA’s apolitical sanctity, who are also busy exploiting the NA’s predicament. The NC’s ultimate goal is to put GPK back in power and Madhav Kumar Nepal’s pipe dream of replacing Prachanda is distasteful humor. How does either scenario benefit the Nepali nation state?

How is it even possible to take a man like Girija Prasad Koirala seriously? After all, it was under Koirala’s watch that the armed Maoist insurrection took hold; it was GPK’s government under which operations Romeo and Sierra-II-Kilo were launched; it was GPK who resigned his premiership because the Army did not mobilize against the Maoists’; and during the height of the insurgency, it was under GPK’s leadership that the SPA (Seven Party Alliance) forged a political alliance with the Maoists. That very alliance undermined the same Army that today, Girija Koirala is attempting to use to satiate this lust for power.

In a nutshell, it is because Girija Prasad Koirala fell for the Maoists’ “promise” that they would make him Nepal’s first President that the NA answers to the former Chief of the Maoists’ military wing today. And now Girija Koirala is bent on encouraging the NA to defy the Ministry of Defense? How does any of this make sense?

Conclusion

The NA has performed superbly after the restoration of the dissolved parliament in April of 2006. Under its current leadership, the NA has regained must of its lost stature and has exercised restraint, professionalism and an unwavering dedication to the Nepali nation-state and her people. As a deterrent to Maoist adventurism, the NA is the single, standing bastion of hope. And this is precisely where the NA should remain - for now.

The NA should continue encouraging the “useful idiots” (who were instrumental in facilitating the Maoists’ to power) to actively assist in the process of seeking “political solutions” to the political challenges at hand. As for those critics who claim the NA is being too submissive, the NA should assure them that if appearing docile is what it takes to keep soldiers out of harm’s way, then so be it. Better submissive than dead and in all honesty, how seriously should those who have been on the battle field take criticisms from those who are experts at trading words, not bullet?

Under no circumstances should the NA go out on a limb to help any internal political party, individual, or external force, in the pursuit of their self-interests. It is the collective Nepali interest in which the NA should act and if this means allowing Ram Bahadur Thapa a face-saving exit, then so be it. The NA can easily diffuse the debate over recruitment by assuring all concerned parties that future force replenishment will not take place. (This, after the UNMIN takes responsibility for failing to execute its mandate and inform the NA in a timely manner.)

Given the delicate juncture at which Nepal’s peace process has arrived, the NA should remind those who are egging it on that there never was (and never will be) a “military solution” to a “political problem.” The NA should steer clear of becoming a back yard where Parties with no grass roots support or tenable objectives (other than coming into power themselves), air their “dirty laundry.”

New Nepal Plunged in Darkness

(Courtesy: Ratna Sansar Shrestha)

Latest Scenario

As far as the latest scenario is concerned, I am apprehensive that Nepal will have electricity crisis spanning next 10 years and further, if the relevant policies are not completely overhauled. NEA, during its anniversary celebrations, claimed that after five years, load shedding will be a matter of the history. This is not the full truth. The problem is as follows. NEA claims that another 806 MW will be generated in the next five years and there will be 1493 MW in total in the system and based on their own load forecast, the demand then will be 1271 MW (in peak season) which will lead one to jump to the conclusion that there will be surplus electricity. But in reality, 1493 MW will be the total installed capacity which can generate at full capacity only during the rainy season and it goes down to half to one third of the capacity during the dry/peak season, creating scarcity again due to short fall of 400/500 MW even if all the projects that NEA has in the pipeline are completed on time. There will be shortage of electricity in five years’ time by a higher magnitude if these projects are not completed in time, as is the general tendency.

Now that the government has set a target to generate 10,000 MW in 10 years’ time of which about 8200 MW is for export purposes and 1800 for domestic consumption, the total installed capacity for domestic consumption after 10 years will be around 2500 MW and load forecast for that year is 1900 MW; an apparent case of surplus generation. But again, there will be seasonal dearth of electricity due to the above-mentioned phenomenon. Even after addition of 10,000 MW capacity after ten years, load shedding will continue to exist. Therefore, the government needs to change its policy drastically and focus more on the hydropower development for the purposes of domestic consumption first.

In Nepal, the average electricity consumption per capita is 69 kWh per annum which in the developed countries it is around 20,000 kWh. Economy of a country is linked to the electricity consumption. Electricity can be used for industrialization, employment generation, agro processing, irrigation, cold storage, changing lifestyle and so forth. Even it can displace POL products for transportation by electrifying transportation, e.g. electric railways along east-west highway. By just undertaking Kathmandu-Birgunj railway Nepal can displace 120 thousand kiloliters of fossil fuel in a year. This can significantly reduce both trade deficit and balance of payment deficit of Nepal with India. The government is planning to construct fast track road linking Kathmandu to Terai instead of which it should have chosen electric railways in order to escape from the fossil fuel dependency syndrome.

The generation of 10,000 MW is possible only if the government can arrange to mobilize an investment of Rs 1,500 billion. It all depends on how effectively the government can lure the investors, which is not an impossible feat, though. Nepal is receiving Rs 150 billion annually from remittances from authorized sources which alone is sufficient for 1,000 MW. Therefore, 10,000 MW in 10 years can be generated from this source alone. But we don’t need to use remittance alone for the purpose; there are many domestic investors interested to invest in hydropower. Besides, there are foreign investors also interested in implementing hydropower projects. Having said this, 10,000 MW, therefore, is not beyond our reach. However, from infrastructural perspective, Nepal is not prepared for the implementation of this size of hydropower projects; we lack necessary infrastructure like access roads and transmission network. To some extent, these infrastructures will be developed by the investors as well but not all. Therefore, the government should also construct necessary infrastructures. Otherwise, the higher investment by the IPPs will be reflected in the bulk electricity tariff which ultimately affects the consumers making electricity unaffordable in this water resources rich country.

There are many people holding licenses for hydropower projects but they have not been able to implement due to lack of sufficient capital (some don’t even have fund to conduct feasibility studies). Generating one MW needs initial investment of about Rs 150 million. The government has been liberally giving away licenses to any applicant even to those without financial capability to mobilize necessary fund because of which power generation has been far less than the capacity of the licenses issued. This is a policy failure. On other hand, the NEA has been circumspect in signing PPAs which too has been creating constraint in the implementation of the power projects. Therefore, the government should ensure that the applicants have required capital before issuing licenses while NEA should sign PPAs liberally to solve the current constraint in power supply. Otherwise, the load shedding will grow year by year and will adversely impact our macro economy.

Reforms Required

Licenses should not be issued to those who are unable to mobilize necessary equity.
NEA should be liberal in signing PPAs but should implement penalty clauses against those who are unable to generate electricity in time or are more interested in peddling the PPAs.

Domestic consumption of electricity should be prioritized. The government should ensure that 100 percent of its population has access to the electricity which now is limited to 25 percent that too with load shedding. Also increase the per capita consumption of electricity which now is 69 kWh. The politicians talk about transforming Nepal into Switzerland which will be possible only by increasing per capita electricity consumption in Nepal, too. The per capita energy consumption in European countries is over 20,000 kWh. Therefore, the priority should be that in next ten years, the per capita electricity consumption will be 10,000 kWh in Nepal not that we generate 10,000 MW in ten years and export most of it and, thus forcing to continue load shedding in Nepal.

I am not averse to export of electricity but on certain conditions only. The government has the right to export its hydropower only after electrifying all Nepali households. Further the tariff of exporting and importing hydroelectricity should be comparable to each other. i am disappointed with the fact that West Seti Hydropower Project, a reservoir project, exports electricity to India at less that US 5 ¢ per kWh while NEA imports from India at US 10 ¢ per kWh. In the meantime, parts of Nepal are supplied with thermal electricity costing around US 40 ¢ per kWh. West Seti electricity should be primarily used for the development of Seti-Mahakali Region and only surplus electricity should be exported. The export policy should be such that we sell our surplus during rainy season (peak season in India) at reasonable/appropriate price.

The promised 60 MW to be provided to Nepal by India to counter power shortage during winter this year will cost NEA more than Rs 7 per unit (excluding other costs within Nepal) whereas NEA’s weighted average retail tariff is Rs 6.70 only. Therefore, these discrepancies should be resolved in the interest of the country.

The claim of government receiving revenue of Rs 250 billion by exporting 10,000 MW after 10 years is ridiculous. It will only amount to Rs 3 billion commensurate to royalty and tax rates, because the bulk of the amount will be spent in paying back the loan including interest and dividend to the investors, according to Shrestha. It is only about four to five percent that will accrue to Nepal by exporting hydropower. Many assumptions of these people are not grounded to the reality.

It is not necessary that reservoir projects cost more than normal hydropower projects. Large hydropower projects, though reservoir based, cost less than small HP plants due to scale economy. Average cost of construction comes around Rs 150 million per MW. One of the costs that is not included is the inundation or submergence. West Seti HP project inundates 3000 hectares of land including existing infrastructure, forest, wildlife etc which Nepal loses for ever but this cost is not internalized in the cost of the project which is about one billion dollars. West Seti reservoir augments the flow by 90 cubic meters per second of water during dry season which can generate Rs five billion per annum for Nepal based on the Lesotho precedent who charges South Africa $ 25 million per annum for 18 cubic meter per second. But Nepal is going to provide the augmented flow to India free of cost. As West Seti reservoir project is in the north of the Terai districts like Kailali, Kanchanpur, Banke, Bardiya, it should either be developed as a multipurpose project which can irrigate the land in these districts or India should be charged for the augmented flow.

Under Koshi Treaty the embankment was built on both sides of the river, which was breached by Koshi River due to criminal negligence in failing to conduct regular repairs and maintenance of it. With the water from the barrage, less than 7 MW power is generated in Kataiya, India. Because of the embankment breach, Nepal incurred a loss of about Rs 10 billion due to the loss of land, loss of settlement, wild life, industrial production, damage to infrastructure etc. but the loss in terms of electricity is not that substantial due to its small size. Some transmission towers were uprooted because of which Nepal cannot evacuate power from India. Until the diverted river comes back to its original course, neither the hydropower could be operated nor electricity can be imported through that part from where the NEA is said to import 40 MW of electricity until completion of its renovation.

What has been the contribution of Small HP projects?

Small HP projects developed by private sector have made substantial contribution. NEA has been building projects at the average cost of more than 3000 dollars per kW whereas private sector has been developing at less than 2500 dollars per kW. Middle Marshyangdi outrageously costs 6000 dollars per kW. Small HP projects are showing how economically can they be built compared to the big projects which are supposed to cost less due to scale economy. Another worthy effort of the private sectors is that they are able to complete their projects on time but NEA’s projects are always delayed. Even the highly acclaimed Chilime HP was delayed by five years.

Better Late than Never!

(Courtesy: el Guapo)

The last month and a half in Nepali politics has witnessed a silent revolution of sorts. No, it’s not the Maoists’ who are at the helm of this quiet revolution. Rather, it is the Nepali Congress that has finally begun playing the role of a credible opposition party by checking Maoist aggression on issues related to the Nepali Army, religion and land ownership.

On the Nepali Army

Through Koirala’s Machiavellian style of leadership, the Nepali Congress has begun to simultaneously chip away at each of the Maoists’ Achilles’ heels. First, the pivotal role that the Nepali Congress played on the issue of recruitment for the Nepali Army was commendable.

The NC’s rise to the defense of a national institution that has demonstrated its professionalism and commitment to democracy time and again, has placed the Nepali Congress is a completely different limelight. The outpouring of support on the Army’s position on recruitment sounded more like the type of rhetoric that would come from a national government than from an opposition party.

Although the sudden burst in support for the Nepali Army most certainly had its own brand of political motivation, the NC’s demand to maintain the political independence of the Nepali State’s tier-one security asset was well-timed and immaculately executed.

The message that the NC delivered was flawless - that the Nepali Army should not be dragged into political controversy, should be permitted to fill its vacant spots and that the pursuit of both of these tasks is in the national interest and not in contravention (in either letter or spirit) of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.

By adopting this line, the Nepali Congress demonstrated its capacity to learn from past mistakes, its ability to adapt to Nepal’s changed political context and more importantly, its ability to contain Maoist ambitions in a very logical and disarming manner.

By insisting that the Nepali Army be permitted to carry on with filling its vacant positions, the Nepali Congress also managed to weaken another pillar of unyielding Maoist support - Mr. Ian Martin, who at the time of this writing, is rumored to be in the process of being “diplomatically” replaced.

On Religion

The controversy over whether Indian or Nepali priests should conduct ritual prayers at the most significant Hindu temple in the world (Pashupatinath) was dumb luck for the Nepali Congress and truly a dumb calculation on the part of the Maoists’.

By forcibly intruding on a matter of religious significance, the Maoists’ literally shot themselves in the foot. A blatant violation of the tenet of maintaining separation between religion and the state occurred and the Nepali Congress was at the right place at the right time to capitalize on this Maoist blunder.

As the saying goes, one must make hay while the sun shines and this was exactly what the Nepali Congress did. As soon as the news of YCL (Maoist) cadre physically assaulting Hindu priests hit the airwaves, the Nepali Congress was at the forefront demanding a reversal of the Maoist government’s decree to discontinue the tradition of Indian priests performing religions rites at Pashupatinath.

The NC’s stance immediately curried Indian favor, especially from within the ranks of India’s powerful Hindu-aligned BJP party, and also from Nepal’s religious Right. The memory of Nepal’s top Hindu activist having been murdered by the Maoists’ emerged to the top of the rhetorical agenda and on a second issue in succession, the Maoists’ were forced to concede their original position.

Once again, most peculiarly, the Nepali Congress demonstrated the qualities of a ruling party while playing the role of an opposition force. If only some semblance of such high thinking had characterized some of their rhetoric when the NC was actually in power (at any point in the post-1990 period), it would be the NC and not the Maoists’ who would be riding at Nepal’s helm today.

On Property Rights

Although the issue of land reformation is a complicated one, the NC’s insistence that the Maoists’ return stolen property to their rightful owners, is brilliant. The logic forwarded (and rightly so) by the Nepali Congress is that the return of property is a priority that the Maoists’ agreed to on paper, as part of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and multiple successive agreements thereafter. The Maoists’ have failed to deliver.

So when the Maoists’ complain that the NC is not allowing the peace process to reach its logical conclusion by stone walling the Maoist combatant issue, the NC’s response is that while important, the Maoist combatant issue isn’t the only item on the peace agenda. To this, neither the Maoists’ nor Ian Martin, nor any foreign government sympathetic to the Maoist cause has a logical response and the NC knows this.

The manner in which the NC has framed this debate is that legal procedures and not forced acquisition should guide the process of land reform. Many of the landowners who have been disenfranchised by the Maoists, belong to the ranks of the Nepali Congress. But political activists have rights too and there is no constitutional exception when it comes to the State’s responsibility to protect the rights of its citizens. It is unfortunate for the Maoists that in this particular case, it is they who are the perpetrators of the crime and soon to be the prosecutors of the “criminals” as well.

Conclusion

The Maoists’ had initially gauged Girija Koirala’s lust for power aptly. By luring Koirala with the dream of becoming Nepal’s first President, the Maoists’ gained one concession after another from the SPA (Seven Party Alliance). They used Krishna Prasad Sitoula and Shekhar Koirala to forward the Maoist agenda and in doing so, managed to keep the international community at bay. The Maoists’ used the UNMIN (UN Mission in Nepal) to consolidate their credibility, opted for elections once they were certain to deliver a stunning victory and finally ascended the apex of Nepal’s power pyramid.

Now the dream is over and it is increasingly apparent that all of the Maoists’ tactical calculations have been on target with the exception of one. The Maoists’ appear to have grossly underestimated Koirala’s single, yet prescient talent - his tired and true subject matter expertise in bringing down governments and political opponents, with finesse and unassuming candor.

Girija Prasad Koirala may fail every test known to man in good governance; he may be clueless in the art of management; he is certainly a stranger to the idea of succession planning and intra-party democracy. But when it comes to undermining and humiliating his political opponents, Girija Koirala is a one man army; a global authority whose services would benefit any effort at toppling governments and breaking up coalitions, anywhere in the world.

It is under Girija Prasad Koirala’s leadership that the Nepali Congress is finally showing some mettle. And given all the totalitarian hints the Maoists keep dropping, the dismal state of lawlessness, and an economy of the verge of collapse, the time is coming once more for the Nepali people to choose between the lesser evil - Girija Koirala with his demonstrated deficiencies in constructive leadership or Pushpa Kamal Dahal with his demonstrated proficiencies in orchestrating cold-blooded mass murder.

Unite for Democracy

(Courtesy: Dr. Hari Bansha Dulal)

Radical communists regard goodwill gestures and concessions as nothing more than contemptible weakness and an irresistible invitation to take advantage.

The Maoist ascendency to the power was the biggest political surprise of 2008. The result of the Constituent Assembly (CA) poll, which was conducted without the required political preparation and adequate security arrangements by the Nepali Congress (NC) led government, shocked everyone: from immediate neighbors to the power centers overseas. As a matter of fact, the "April surprise" not only shocked the keen observers outside the country, but also the major political parties of the yesteryears, who till then thought that they were the ones that were actually mainstreaming the Maoists.

The CA election completely turned the table around. All of a sudden, benevolent appeasers, whose never ending concessions to the Maoists reduced a genuine peace process to an "appease process" were at the receiving end. An unexpected victory in the CA election gave the Maoists an opportunity to go their own way.

While the people who are aware of what radical communism is capable of delivering watched the Maoist ascendancy to the power with trepidation, gullible "coffee shop" hopping intelligentsia appeared least bothered. The defeat of democratic forces in the CA election was rationalized as a step forward in integration of the Maoists into the democratic process. The Maoists know very well as and how to garner the sympathy and support of a gullible intelligentsia and partisan civil society, don't they?

It's been almost nine months since the CA election was conducted and approximately four months since the Maoists formed the government. A question that we ought to be asking ourselves is -- are we in fact better off than we were a year ago? If the answer is no, how long should we wait before we decide to do something about the rapidly worsening situation?

Puspa Kamal Dahal, himself, has admitted that he has failed to deliver and match the people's expectations. The grand dream of transforming the nation with hydro dollars has gone bust after the declaration of energy crisis. Hundred plus hours of load-shedding per week and labor union militancy have dwarfed the possibility of foreign direct investment in the country. How will the Maoists transform the nation and provide dividends they have been promising all along? Every Nepali should be asking this question in order to come to a rational conclusion on whether or not the Maoists have what it takes to transform the nation.

The Maoists simply do not care about the sufferings of poor and the downtrodden. They gain from the unfair advantage that Nepalese people suffer from a lack of hope in the possibility of getting an authentic and good government that will tend to the grossly unattended needs of our society. What the Maoists are doing is cleverly manipulating the psychological insecurities of Nepali people. They are least concerned about how badly it hurts collective self-esteem.

Instead of taking responsibility for the failures, Puspa Kamal Dahal and his psy-war experts, are once again threatening a "mass revolt." They do so because it benefits them politically. By simply reminding of us pain, suffering and dread of future terror, they want us to eventually weaken and give in to their demands. Their ultimate goal is to capture our hearts and minds -- to convert us.

How can threat of bloodshed transform our attitudes in favor of the Maoists' worldview? Wouldn't we recoil in horror and, if anything, move farther away from sympathy toward the perpetrators of violence? Nope. Look at how jihadists in radicalized Islamic societies across the world "convert" innocent individuals to Islam by threat of death. It is just a matter of applying the tactics that works at individual level to a larger scale. It does work. The counterintuitive result of the CA election is a proof. It's been already tested on our own soil.

When Thomas Jefferson said that "people get the government they deserve," he must have had people like us in mind, who can easily be duped. It did not take us very long to buy "revolutionary dreams" sold by the Maoists, did it?

So what is the way out? A strong democratic alliance is the need of the hour. It, however, has to have clear goals and objectives. Or else, it will be perceived as a "grand design" of fat cats within the NC, UML, RJP, and RPP to make a grand come back, and hence, will not take off. The Nepali people, who have been duped again and again in the name of salvation, deserve a detailed plan about how salvation would occur this time around. There are way too many "dream merchants" in Nepal for people to believe in.

Patience is great, but the longer we wait, the more damage gets done. The very day our southern neighbor comes to a conclusion that the China-leaning Maoist regime cannot be dislodged anytime soon, disintegration of Nepal is guaranteed. For India, its national security is more important than territorial integrity or sovereignty of Nepal.

The delay in emergence of a strong democratic alliance will cost us dearly. The Maoist party by cozying with Upendra Yadav is under a false impression that Madhesi revolt is all but over. Besides that, the Maoists do not have any moral ground to go against the wishes of the ethnic parties since they ignited the flame of dissident politics. It has to be done by an outfit that understands the threat and is genuinely interested in empowering the Madhesis. By not going after a permanent solution, the Maoists are allowing ethnic hustlers that are ready to outdo Lengdup Dorje to forward their political agenda.

By attacking media and interfering in religious tradition, the Maoists are feeling the pulse of Nepalese society. They will tell you what you want to hear, but will do what benefits them politically. The Maoist ministers' sojourn to the jail where Ramesh Babu Pant and Ramesh KC were housed clearly exhibits moral bankruptcy on part the Maoist ideologues. Don't we know already how low they can stoop?

There might still be some within the major political parties of yesteryears that think "appeasement" is the only way out to moderate the Maoists and secure the lost political space. This is a prescription for disaster. Appeasement always encourages your master to further subjugate you. If more subjugation is not immediately forthcoming in response to appeasement, it's only a strategic delay. Radical communists regard goodwill gestures and concessions as nothing more than contemptible weakness and an irresistible invitation to take advantage.

Ignore history at your own peril!

Socialism and Communism Sans Austerity

(Courtesy: Shyam Prasad Adhikari)

"The last stage of socialism is communism" is what a political thinker has said. As stated by Karl Marx, "Communist society is one where each individual works according to his/her's capacity and in return takes from the society all that he or she requires." The major difference between socialist and communist system is that under the socialist system the individual gets from the society all the material benefits in proportion to his or her capacity, whereas under the communist system, because of abundance of goods and services, capabilities loose their significance enabling each member of the society to get all the benefits that an individual requires.

Nepal has been declared a republic and the present government is led by Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist. For any new government coming to power in Nepal, it has become a customary to issue directive for the maintenance of austerity measures to check public expenditures. But unfortunately, the directive remains in paper only, and is taken as a ritual by ministers and all government functionaries. As a result, no one feels responsible and accountable for monitoring and implementing it. The present government too, seems, performing the same ritual by issuing the austerity directive through the cabinet, recently. But the sad part of the story is; "Even as the government has approved a special directive through the cabinet, vowing to check unnecessary expenditures, one-third of the ministers of the current cabinet have left the country on foreign jaunts putting great pressure on public exchequer".

The country is, currently, undergoing difficult political situations and is weighted down by myriad socio-economic problems. People, in general, have started commenting on the ministers' expensive foreign tours by calling the austerity directive of the government as a "Pennywise and pound foolish" decision.

We have now a communist-led government, which believes in communism. Socialism and communism imply national ownership of the means of production and distribution. The idea of fair distribution of goods and services and also of austerity and equality are inherent in these concepts. But a highly tragic aspect of our political leaders versions of socialism and communism are that those who loudly profess them, themselves make a mockery of it by living in grand, ostentatious style and regarding themselves as a privileged class even while countless millions of Nepalis do not get a square meal and go semi-naked. Despite the periodic exhortations by exponents of socialism and communism asking people to economies all-round, in view of the unprecedented economic crisis, foreign cars and Prado jeeps are still being bought from the foreign companies for the use of ministers, MPs and bureaucrats. The cost of ministerial comfort to the public exchequer is indeed very heavy. Their salaries represent a fraction of what the nation has to spend on them and on all the pomp and show that are deemed essential whenever prime minister and ministers go on foreign tours or visit districts to inaugurate a function. Their prerequisites are so many and so out of tune with the times, that many foreign visitors wonder at the governmental extravagance, while the country is still associated with the begging bowl at international forums and in affluent countries.

The conduct of Heads of state and ministers in capitalist or non-socialist countries provides a sharp contrast. The Prime Minister of Turkey has refused to live in the spacious official residence or to use an official car; instead, he prefers to live in a modest rented apartment. The highest executive there has thus set an example of real austerity by living like a common man. But in Nepal, many of our ministers and officials insist on using luxurious cars and furnishing their official residences at heavy cost to the exchequer. The President of Switzerland travels by bus. The governors and governor-generals in Australia and Canada walk in the street like common men and never get road cleared for them. A recent example is that the President of South Korea, Mr. Li Miungbak, was seen riding an ordinary bicycle on way to his office. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the president of Iran, who recently announced that he would not take salary, is a glaring example of politician's sacrifice for the country.

In Nepal particularly in Kathmandu, whenever President or Prime Minister or other VIPS are to pass along a road, other people have to make way and sometimes traffic is hold-up for hours. If our VIPs live in simple style like commoners, they would be better able to realize what problems face the country. If they abandon their limousines and ivory towers, they would be true socialists and communists and not fake ones, as they are now. The yawning gap between their professions and practice does not extend to their mode of living. It is also notable in their day-to-day actions and their effort to acquire wealth and property while the sun shines. In their living styles they imitate affluent aristocracy, and in their lust for wealth they imitate the present neo-rich and in their speech they preach democracy, socialism, communism and austerity. All the sacrifices are on the people's side, comfort and luxuries on theirs.

Austerity and simplicity are postulates of democracy, socialism and communism". But it is ridiculous to see our leaders and politicians, who swear by socialism and communism every day and endlessly, call for more sacrifices by the masses. It appears that our leaders have conveniently escaped the evolutionary process of socialism and communism and are trying to achieve all the material benefits, irrespective of their contribution to the society and are trying to get all the benefits of a socialist and communist society, disregarding the fact that our social and economic systems are still in pre-industrial society stage. It is most unfortunate that our political leaders, proponent of socialism and pursuing communist ideology, preach their "Isms" to people and they themselves practice and behave like capitalists. What a socialism, communism and austerity in new Nepal !!

Is Nepal going to Fail?

(Courtesy: Krisna Giri)

Instead of mocking Nepali leaders, this time my thoughts are going towards the country and countrymen. Bulldozed by the political and leadership changes; besieged by living and security conditions; aggravated by the false hope for water and electricity, people are going through exceptional intellectual stress than ever before. The successive government’s governance is being so underprivileged that people are abandoned by every successor. Peace, Rule of law and social harmony amongst diverse societies are fouled by various power centres. I truly wonder how this country is surviving. The Prime Minister is talking about waging another civil war. Defence Minister and Chief of Army staff announced series of ambiguous statements. A Madheshi leader is talking about end of Nepal. Janajatis are already declaring their autonomous regions. Indian Ambassador, once close friend to all parties, is holding secret meetings with former Monarch and Foreign Minister is outraged and publicly giving some sermons about diplomatic protocols. Various ethnic groups are recruiting armed combatants to wage war against the state. Few religions elements are already plotting bombs across the country. A Supreme Court judge gets lecture about rule of law and power of people. And now a Pashupati Priest becomes another victim of dirty political onslaught.

My worries at this point of time are neither leaders nor parties but the nation. We have been bombarded by nationalistic rhetoric for some years but hardly anything has been done to keep the aspiration alive. It is really hard to believe that Nepal has a democratic government. If you believe in modern capitalistic democratic society, you would assume at least ruling and opposition parties. We do have parties but may be someone can help me to identify who is ruling and who is opposing. Parties are moving their feets left, right and centre. They trying to grab every opportunity vested by political ego and ambition. In the name of democracy, the country had faced immense undemocratic stirs in the recent past. Abraham Lincoln once said: “Democracy is the government of the people, by the people, for the people”. If he was alive to witness the political hysteria in Nepal, he would have regretted the last bit, democracy for the people. And he also once said, “Ballot is stronger than the Bullet”. He would have changed his mind if he was born post Maoist era. Let’s forget about the sincerity of the government towards people, there is no evidence that the government is working for the people. The political backlashes within parties and communities have forced the country to embrace unfortunate economy, security, peace, jobs, affordability, housing etc.

The country has lost ground in a verge to collapse. A ‘Fail State’ is not a new term for us any more. These words have been thrown for discussion by numerous scholars for a while. The principal anxiety for people is this- ‘Is the country going to fail’? As a commoner, it is imperative to understand the basics of a ‘Failed State’. A Washington D.C. based NGO, Fund for Peace, defines a ‘Failed State’ as, “A failed state is a state whose central government is so weak or ineffective that it has little practical control over much of its territory; non-provision of public services; widespread corruption and criminality; refugees and involuntary movement of populations; and sharp economic decline”. All successive Nepali governments in the last decade meet the above criteria and pose enormous threat to the sovereignty of the country. It is expected from an independent country’s government that they exercise genuine control over at least the larger part of their country and population. A state should be capable to cooperate with other states, donors, international communities and govern according to the rule of law, respect international legal obligations, prevent crime etc.

The African Studies Centre, Leiden, in its report released in December 2003, send a chilling threat to the states in a path to fail. The report states, “It should be realized by policymakers that failed states, and particularly the ones that have collapsed, never return to how they were prior to breaking down, even in the event that they do succeed in regaining coherence after a period of failure”. I don’t think a patriot would ever think to lose the history, culture, nationality and identity as whole because of domestic conflicts. These conflicts motivated by political ambitions are causing widespread harm to the entire nation and has jeopardized the national harmony. We should not let the country fail.

Most states fail with internal conflicts and civil wars but that is not only the reason. In some cases, a country may fail because of foreign governments who knowingly destabilize a state by fuelling ethnic warfare or supporting rebel forces, causing it to collapse. We know the role of India during Maoist insurgency leading to the overthrow of the Monarchy. In a recent interview with Kantipur, D.P. Thripathy, an Indian leader who broke 12 points understanding with SPA in November 2005, has admitted that Indian elements want to treat Nepal as a colony. Political market is already frenzied by the China’s interest in CPN Maoists government. We need to be alarmed by too much interest expressed by world powers and our neighbours. What we need to understand is, ‘if they succeed, we fail and if they fail, we too fail’.

ADB Putting Pressure on GoN to Raise Water Tariff

(Courtesy: Ratna Sansar Shrestha)

The vernacular daily “Kantipur” has reported on 5th January 2009 that ADB has written to GoN re tariff increase being pre-condition for ADB’s support for Melamchi Diversion Tunnel (MDT), (by a letter dated 28th December). In other words ADB is holding the construction works of MDT to ransom to fulfill its covenant related to tariff increase. It is unbelievable as the story sounds outrageous. Therefore, I am unable to believe that an institution like ADB will be part of anything as such (bullying tactic).

Moreover, it has been reported that someone in ADB has been going around claiming that the Water Supply Tariff Fixation Commission exists because of ADB and if that is true then it is more unlikely that ADB would write such a letter because this action both undermines and impairs the independence of the Commission as the decision regarding tariff is in the purview of the Commission and pressurizing GoN for the purpose doesn’t make sense.

Let’s look at it from another perspective. Multilaterals in Nepal have been recommending and implementing “foreign management” as the best panacea for improvement of public enterprises which languish due to political (and otherwise) interference and for such institutions being unable to function independently and autonomously. In this backdrop it is unthinkable that ADB will take any deliberate action as such to undermine and impair the independence and autonomy of the Commission. Therefore, I hope that the news-story is a fig of imagination of the reporter.

The reporter further goes on to portray the two of the three members of the commission as anti-Melamchi. I am sure that ADB didn’t feed this to the reporter. I have no information about the involvement of the other two members in the debate related to Melamchi. However, this scribe has been actively campaigning to solve the water supply problem of Kathmandu valley for the longer term (2 m3/s of water will not be adequate by the time this project will be completed and the rampant scarcity will persist and as it took 30 years, hopefully, to take off the first stage, it will take quite a while for the second and third stage to leave the drawing board) and also resolve electricity crisis to an extent by generating hydropower (no financial obligation on GoN and ADB for the purpose) by using the same tunnel for multipurpose Melamchi which will also benefit farmers in Terai as water in the dry season will become available to irrigate 30,000 ha in Terai without any additional investment. Moreover, with about 1 billion liters of water flowing even during the dry season in the Bagmati River (it couldn’t be called a river now as it is full of sewage) this river will have a new lease of life. This definitely doesn’t make me anti-Melamchi.

Although the experiment of the World Bank with foreign management in two prominent banks, in the name of financial sector reform, has failed very badly (after spending Rs 7 billion and 6 years), at the insistence of ADB the water utility management of Kathmandu valley has been entrusted to a foreign management team. In a period of less than a year, the new management has submitted 3 (one informal and 2 formal) proposals for the escalation of water tariff to the Commission. As ADB’s name has been linked with the water tariff increase it is worthwhile to look at the issue a little closely.

Nobody in the right mind will disagree that any enterprise, including a utility, needs to be operated sustainably. However, as water supply is an essential service and it touches upon the lives of the poor and deprived segment of the society, a utility as such should not be too focused on tariff increase in isolation as long as there are other ways of achieving the sustainability. In other words, increase of tariff should be resorted to only after all avenues for sustainable operation of the utility have been exhausted. In this respect the utility is in a position to implement various measures to operate it economically, efficiently and effectively before resorting to tariff increase.

Besides, the only ground cited for tariff increase is the inflation over last 4 years. However, the utility is ignoring the increase in its consumers by 15% over the same period due to which the consumers have been effectively forced to pay at a higher rate (pay same amount for dwindling volume of water) as the volume of water supplied by it has not changed since 2004.

I am sure everyone will agree that a tariff increase is like a bitter pill which needs to be sweetened by improving the services of the utility. Otherwise, the consumers could rise against the measure thus deteriorating the law and order situation already standing at the precipice.

Therefore, it makes no sense to take up the issue of tariff increase in isolation and stake the reputation of an institution like ADB.

Who’s the Idiot Now?

(Courtesy: Mr. Satyajeet Nepali)

(This section has been removed at the writer's request).

Response to Manjushree Thapa’s An End to Idiocy

Yes, Manjushree Thapa is right; the "idiocy" needs to stop. But the idiotic in Nepal are not just the political leaders. The bigger idiots are the so-called "intelligentsia", "civil society" and so forth whose holier than thou attitudes and complete refusal to engage in introspection give sustenance to even more idiocy. At least the majority of Nepal’s politicians lack the elite, Western education and exposure that comes with it; this is a bad but digestible excuse for Nepali politicians’ idiocy. But for people who have enjoyed the luxury of traveling the world and attending the best liberal education institutions the West has to offer, there is no excuse. People like Manjushree Thapa are even more idiotic than the politicians she conveniently blames – the same politicians that Thapa helped exonerate for over a decade of crimes against the Nepali people. Is it such a wonder that the "idiotic" culture of impunity persists in Nepal?

The real question is, how much intelligence does it take privileged elites like Ms. Thapa, to evaluate the 15 years after 1990 and the "narrowly self-serving" practices that were institutionalized during that time? Wasn't 15 years of malgovernance enough to show that these “democratic” leaders were committed only to “democratically” stuffing their pockets? Just take a look at where the children of such leaders have gone for their higher educations and compare the fee structures at these institutions’ with the leaders’ annual incomes. Idiotic, isn't it?

As for the Maoists, upon what basis did Ms. Thapa and her band of "idiots" misinterpret volume after volume of Maoist writ explaining exactly what the Maoists’ stand for, their brand of radical politics, and their plans for Nepal? So who are the bigger idiots? The politicians who gave birth to the Maoists’ and then subsequently brought the Maoists’ into the “mainstream” or the idiots who were so blinded by the short-term glory of “Storming the Bastille,” that they neglected to evaluate the fully burdened, long term cost of their actions? It is convenient for people like Ms. Thapa to shift positions as it suits her agenda of distancing herself from her feudal roots; but it is not as convenient for a nation of 27 million who have to bear the consequences of the follies of people like Ms. Thapa.

The fact is that Nepal’s intelligentsia did the utmost possible to bring these political parties and Maoists to power, convincing Nepalis that the SPA-M alliance would really make a difference. They were the ones to used their elite, stylish and influential pens to convince the international community that if the 240-year old history and the monarchy were to be jettisoned, Nepal would stand a chance of building a better and brighter future ("New Nepal" as they called it)!

Well, now Nepal is a Republic and according to many, on a fast-track to an illiberal leftist autocracy. And if Ms. Thapa’s escape from this reality is that “this is a process,” there is only one thing to be said in response: “Go tell the 24 million Nepali people who are without running water, electricity and access to basic health care that the “smart” thing to do was to launch a campaign against the Monarchy in return for Maoist domination of the political sphere.” The majority of Nepalis may not be as educated as Ms. Thapa, but even marginally educated know an idiot when they seen one. Who’s the idiot now?

Further, to be completely transparent, Ms. Thapa should also tell the Nepali people that the people her advocacy helped propel to power are “the same Maoists’ who during the years 2000/2001, destroyed nearly $500 million (yes, US Dollars) worth of infrastructure; bridges, roads, repeater stations that were built over the course of the past 30 years.” Tell the Nepali people that they “need to be patient” while people like Ms. Thapa use their entrenched, feudalism-based influence to peddle experiments with one process after another while Nepalis continue to suffer. How idiotic does the truth sound?

The Monarchy, like every other institution in Nepal, needed to be restructured, and reformed, not eliminated. In this regard, many of the politicians who Ms. Thapa regards as “idiots” were the ones trying their level best to rise above the populist idiocy that Ms. Thapa played a role in propagating. Politicians like Shailajha Acharya, K.P. Oli, Prakash Chandra Lohani, Surya Bahadur Thapa, and even Baburam Bhattaria were forced into idiocy by the rhetoric spun by people such as Ms. Thapa – rhetoric which was magnified and spun again by Ms. Thapa’s contacts at the International Crisis Group and various media outlets. How convenient for Ms. Thapa that in hindsight, she finds no issue with her own brand of advocacy but Nepal’s politicians are “idiots!”

After all the damage that has been done, the likes of Ms. Thapa have the gall to go around and tell Nepalis how "narrowly self-serving" our leaders are and how everything is so "idiotic!" Does Ms. Thapa think that the same people who “raped” Nepal for 15 years are likely to recognize the sacrifice that Nepalese have made to re-install them in power? What school of idiocy did Ms. Thapa attend to fool herself into believing that the current generation of Nepali politicians are going to change their ways because of Thapa’s “oh-I'm-fed-up-with-you” article???? Who's the real idiot here?

It's sad, but true. The so-called "intelligentsia" of Nepal have been nothing but "useful idiots" (to use Lenin's term) for the Maoists. And to use the Maoist supremo's own language, they have been "the backs that the Maoists’ climbed upon to smash the head.” In simple terms, the Maoists’ used and abused the human rights agenda, the peace agenda, the democratic agenda and a host of liberal, Western ideals to forward their march to political domination. “Intelligent” people like Ms. Manjushree Thapa, played the role of stepping stones for the Maoists’. When compared to people like Prachanda, Baburam, Ram Bahadur Thapa, and C. P. Gajurel, it is clearly Manjushree Thapa who appears to be the bigger idiot.

The Nepali state is in the tragic form she is today, in no small measure, due to the activism of the likes of Ms. Thapa. Wrinkling up her nose and blaming the political leaders is no excuse. People like Thapa should set a moral precedent by owning up to their own mistakes of the past; by pointing her finger at Nepali politicians, Ms. Thapa is playing the part of the pot, calling the kettle black.

One would have thought that when intelligent people like Manjushree Thapa supported the SPA-M alliance, they had done their due diligence. But apparently not so. Now they are coming around and telling us how pathetic our leaders are and how they’ve pretty much always known it. Then why the idiocy of leading the nation down a path that guaranteed even more idiocy? Neither the politicians that Manjushree despises nor the policemen (one of whom struck Manjushree on her head during a “peaceful” demonstration) are any different today, than they were before 2006. This is a hard fact that no one should idiotically dismiss. Especially Ms. Thapa.

Former King Gyanendra may have been an idiot for acting without a concrete plan but he was nonetheless, an idiot who could be controlled through various policy instruments. Good luck to Manjushree and others, as they try and control the Maoists’ and other politicians by alleging “idiocy” through publications like Kantipur. If Manjushree is “frankly scared” by the Maoists’ today, she is more than likely to be “terrified” by what is yet to come.

Why always blame the "political leaders" for the nation's woes? Shouldn't our "intellectual leaders" have been more realistic and discerning in their judgments about who and what to support and fight for? Instead of going off in their fanciful dreams of revolutionaries building a "New Nepal," shouldn't they have been more responsible? Did they not pause to weigh the likelihood of a better society being built by the same group of leaders who have failed time and again? Before going all-out and calling on the Nepalese people (and the international community) to back the SPA-M alliance, shouldn’t our “intellectual” leaders have given more thought to the costs and benefits of enthroning the same discredited leaders and and a bunch of cold blooded killers (the Maoists')?

Nepali intellectuals, like Ms. Thapa, can't hide behind the facade of incompetent "political leaders" anymore. Their holier-than-thou attitude vis-a-vis Nepal’s political leaders is stale and repulsive. Ordinary Nepalese and the international community backed the SPA-M alliance because our "intellectual leaders" supported them. Articles by Manjushree's ilk crying foul at insincere political leaders doesn't absolve the likes of Thapa from their incompetence, insincerity, and downright “dishonesty.”

Yes, the idiocy and irresponsibility that has brought Nepal where it is today must end but equally, the process must begin with people like Manjushree Thapa reflecting on their own actions more and on the actions of others, less. As the saying goes, Manjushree needs to learn to "walk the walk" as well as she has demonstrated her capacity to "talk the talk."